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PL
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EN
Since the neoclassical school, the separation between facts and values, is and ought, positive and normative, has become a concern in conventional economic analyses. Economics should focus on facts, and present general principles, leaving the choice of various technical alternatives to policy makers. This article addresses the following questions: can economics, seen as a positive science, be separated from the political dimension? Is it possible to separate facts from values or are they necessarily intertwined?After showing how the separation between economics and moral philosophy unfolded throughout the history of economic thought, the article analyses the factvalue dichotomy discussion and concludes that facts and values are necessarily intertwined. Then, the article shows that the premises and theories of conventional economic theories contain hidden values, despite being presented as universal truths on which policies are based, and thus fail to discuss the various perspectives of the problems.Reviving a tradition commenced by Aristotle, the article concludes by arguing that economics is necessarily moral and political. However, the acknowledgement of the normative nature of economics cannot compromise the pursuit of objectivity.
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The DPRK: Just another Country?

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The paper notes that up until 1973 both North and South Korea had essentially comparable GDP per capita. Thereafter, it is argued that choices made by the DPRK were substantially influenced by recent history in terms of concentrating on the nuclear and ballistic missile programmes in order to meet the perceived need for security which overrode other possible choices. The development of the country`s natural resources – whether energy, mineral reserves and the potential of the populace – have mitigated the sanctions regime in place since 1948. This paper argues that, when considering North Korea, history is “everything” and has influenced the economic choices and development of the country.
EN
It is hard to imagine that after Japan’s miracle post-war growth it would go on to suffer more than two decades of stagnation. Although there have been some short-lived periods of recovery, such as in 1995-96, the average growth rate over the period of 1991-2014 was a mere 1%. Despite historically low interest rates and a series of fiscal stimuli, the growth has not revived. Despite the long economic stagnation, Japan still retains its strength in many areas. Its human and physical capital formations are among the highest in the world. The volume it spends on research and development is equally impressive. It still has world-leading firms and modern technologies. The methodology to be followed here is derived from the aims of the study and comparisons of international statistics provide the main means of addressing the research questions and the objectives of this paper. The study concludes that the neoliberal ‘market-centred’ policies have brought inequality, stagnation, and fiscal crisis to the state. Therefore, a radical critical political economy is required to analyse the situation more objectively, one which would mean increased levels of welfare and people-led measures
EN
This paper examines the relationship between the voting behaviour of European Parliament members on the Common Consolidated Corporate Tax Base (CCCTB) proposal and economic characteristics of their respective countries. We are concerned about the political and economy factors behind policy and decision making of CCCTB in European Parliament. The analysis is conducted with Logit model identifying factors affecting the voting consultation decision of the Parliament of the European Union in 2018. Particularly, we investigate the impact of four components taken from tax benefit index proposed by W. Orłowski. We have found that economic factors alone are responsible the voting behaviour of the European Union deputies, not their personal characteristics.
EN
The paper deals with the contemporary Chinese capitalism. The author discusses key features of Chinese political economy in the context of profound transformation it currently undergoes. The author claims that the change is a dynamic process of adaptation of the Chinese state to external environment combined with a struggle of state institutions to retain political power and social legitimacy. As a result the transformation process may be described as multilinear, 50 instead of speaking about 'Chinese model of capitalism', it is more appropriate to use a plural form, and speak about 'Chinese models of capitalism'.
EN
The paper takes stock of the economic policy balance sheet of the era Angela Merkel. It analyzes to what extent the positive economic indicators of her chancellorship is related to principles of economic policy Ludwig Erhard stood for and explains Merkel’s economic policy choices from a public choice perspective. The study shows that economic policy under Angela Merkel has drifted increasingly away from the legacy of Ludwig Erhard’s free market policy towards socially and ecologically motivated interventionism. It is contended that Germany’s current positive economic development is, therefore, actually the result of the labour market reforms of the previous chancellor Gerhard Schröder and the undervalued euro. The paper argues that Angela Merkel’s policy choices have been favoured by the incentives structure of the political system and the prevalence of the widespread belief of the population in the need and good of market regulations and redistribution. Yet, because of their stifling effects on economic dynamism these policies make Germany increasingly ill-equipped to tackle urgent economic challenges.
EN
Many commentators suggest that the Middle East political turbulence was foreseeable and it cannot be said it had been unexpected. However, the diplomatic and intelligence establishments in the United States and the European Union, which have the most crucial stakes in this region, seemed to have been so preoccupied with focusing on Al Qaeda, Hezbol-lah, Hammas, and the Taliban that in a narrow picture they seem to have lost sight of the revolutionary wave, which has altered the governments in Tunis and Cairo and shaved off some of the most hated and oppressive regimes with the sheer example of Hosni Mubarak and Muammar Qaddafi . The spectacular fall of such dictators as Mubarak, has led to the question, whether the “Arab Awakening” was a transformation or a revolution. There are also questions concerning the idea of democratisation of the third world and corruption, which change the Arab governments into “bad apples”. According to the western view, democracy is a Janus-faced ideological god, pulling the strings of both politics and economics. One cannot exist without the other, therefore, when we reconsider the political aspect of the Arab uprising, we should not forget about the economy.
EN
Each enlargement of the European Communities (EC) and later the European Union (EU) has had an indisputable in! uence on inner cohesion of the organization itself. The participants of the integration processes have included the countries deviating from the previous Member States by the level of the economic development, the structures of their economies, macroeconomic conditions, etc. This differentiation has taken its toll especially on the functioning and the expenses of common policies (mainly transfer ones) as well as the execution of the integration reinforcement plans such as the European Economic and Monetary Union. In this aspect the most serious consequences were caused by the admission of countries that were much weaker economically, especially Ireland, Greece, Spain and Portugal. These countries had to go through a long way of reforms in order to become rightful members of the organization and for their integration with the Communities to become a mutual success. A big part of the expenses connected with these reforms was financed by the common budget thanks to the structural funds and the Common Agricultural Policy.
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Critical Housing Analysis
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2020
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vol. 7
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issue 1
103-113
EN
This article sets out a theoretical framework for the political economy of the private rental sector, with a particular focus on the question of inequality. It brings together three existing bodies of research. First, macro-accounts of social stratification and wealth inequality. Second, Marxian critiques of the antagonism between accumulation and social reproduction. Third, qualitative accounts of tenants’ experiences of housing inequality. The article synthesises these three literatures to put forward a political economy approach which can capture the multi-dimensional and multi-scale nature of both ‘housing’ and ‘home’ in the private rental sector. In so doing, it contributes to recent research on ‘generation rent’, in particular the related class and generational inequalities, as well as wider debates on the political economy of housing.
EN
International trade appears to be strongly dependent on the political environment and institutional arrangements. In this context, the commented strand of economics is expected to follow the relationships that can be turbulent. The paper reviews the available literature on international trade, with a particular focus on aspects of the political economy. These threads are described in the context of the past and present literature, as well as prospects for future research. Over the decades, the focus of the debate has shifted strongly. The analysed issues reflect not only current events affecting the shape of international trade, but also the availability of data or the growing range of quantitative tools. The observed progress and evolution of the political economy of international trade has brought numerous conclusions of scientific and practical importance.
EN
Research background: The literature indicates that labor market institutions are determined by cultural, political and economic factors, but does not give explicit conclusions which of these vast group of factors dominates. Purpose of the article: The goal of this study is to empirically assess whether cultural and political factors dominate over economic factors in shaping the labor market institutional framework in the OECD and post-socialist countries. Methods: This framework can be measured by a vast group of indicators. We use 10 such variables that describe the group of 47 post-socialist and OECD countries (that did not experience economic transition) in the years 2005?2009. These indicators allow to construct one Employment Efficiency Index which explains almost 47% of the employment rate heterogeneity in the years 2010?2015. In the second step, the Employment Efficiency Index is regressed on 7 uncorrelated and standardized components that describe the cultural, political and economic characteristics of the analyzed countries in the years 1995?2004 and the Chow test is conducted in order to determine whether they influence the Index with the same strength in post-socialist and non-transition OECD countries. Findings & Value added: The obtained results show that cultural and political factors have a stronger influence on labor market institutions. Moreover, the estimates reveal that the countries which experienced weak labor market performance in the period 1995?2004 did not make their institutional framework more pro-employment in the following years and, in consequence, also recorded low values of the employment rate in the period 2010?2015. Such result suggests that economic factors occurred to be on average an insufficient trigger for labor market reforms in the group of analyzed countries. Finally, the Chow test revealed that this conclusion is applicable to both post-socialist and non-transition OECD countries.
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EN
Objectives: Many explanations have been offered of Donald Trump’s rise to the presidency of the United States. Most focus on the candidates and events in or around their campaigns. This paper argues that a much-neglected part of the story lies in long-developing structural and historical trends in the U.S. political economy upon which the Trump campaign capitalized. Research Design & Methods: The paper provides an historical analysis of the structural changes in American political conomy that contributed to Trump’s rise to power. Findings: Trump’s rise to power was premised on decades-long changes in the U.S. economy, race relations, ideology, party politics and Obama’s presidency. Implications/Recommendations: To understand Trump’s rise to power we need to understand the changes in American political and economic life that sowed the seeds for his election. Contribution/Value Added: Othe r accounts of Trump’s victory focus on short- or medium-term factors. This paper puts them all into longer historical perspective.
EN
The core of market economy is misconceived when it is construed purely in economic terms (cf. Breuer 1999: 8). The purpose of this article is to hint at some possible alternative paths of deliberating the concept of capitalism which would not be dominated by classical economic paradigm. While recognising the multiple faces of capitalism stemming amongst others from historical, geo-political, ideological and even economic variables, the author conceives of contemporary capitalism in terms of a sum total of certain macro-features which differentiate this economic model from centrally-planned economies. The point of departure for the developed argumentation is the main trend recognisable in the recent decades (end of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st century) which consists in accumulation of primarily hereditary capital in the hands of the few, which phenomenon is referred to by Thomas Piketty as “patrimonial” capitalism. Since that development results in a limited or no opportunity of the majority of the world population to accrue wealth through their work, a question arises whether such economic system may be regarded as legitimate. In this context the author attempts to shed some light on the potentials and limits of the role of national, transnational and /or international governance to mitigate the negative impact of the unabashed divergence forces observable in the contemporary economy. The overall conclusion of the paper is that, however reluctant the national authorities may be to see further intervention of transnational and international entities in the organisation of global economy, it is necessary if the healthy foundations of the global market are ever to be achieved and as long as long as the states remain idle themselves.
Prakseologia
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2014
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issue 155
125-173
EN
The rise of the financial sector – and alteration of its functions in capitalism – has been discussed not only by economists but also by sociologists and political economists. Financialization is “(…) the increasing role of financial motives, financial markets, financial actors and financial institutions in the operation of the domestic and international economies” (Epstein 2005: 2). It is not a brand new process in sociology. However its scale and nature become an ever more popular element of the current diagnoses. Its main assumption is that crises of capita list economies are not anomalies and their scale is dependent on the (lack of) control according to the market laws. The idea that the form of crises and their scale seem to be even more grave and take into account the interdependencies between national economies is becoming paradigmatic in the social sciences. The analysis starts with a review of financialization theories, proposed in political economy and sociology. I then empirically examine the Polish financial sector of the last 15 years with a particular focus on the role of mortgages.
EN
The article includes an analysis of Michał Mniszech’s travel accounts from the year 1767 concerning the Kingdom of Sardinia and Turin: Observations sur les États du Roi de Sardaigne and Observations sur Turin. According to the concept of Mniszech’s European educational travels that had been worked out in cooperation with the Polish magnate’s mother, Catherine Zamoyska of Mniszech, and Elie Bertrand, in the process of foreign education, becoming familiar with issues related to the broadly defined political economy was the most important aspect. Benefits of an aesthetic nature, resulting from admiring monuments of art and architecture, were less significant. Therefore, Mniszech’s travel accounts put strong emphasis on the problems of demography, administration, finance and taxation, government forms, trade and industry. In this respect, Italy was no exception. Mniszech’s travel accounts on the Kingdom of Sardinia and Turin are characterized by an intended complementarity. Observations sur les États du Roi de Sardaigne is mainly focused on the aspect of political economy. Hence, the emphasis is on information about trade, finance, demography, and industry. Observations sur Turin, although repetitive, e.g. educational matters while describing the University of Turin, concerns mostly issues of an aesthetic nature pertaining to architecture (also sacred), arts, culture and science. Importantly, in both accounts, Mniszech lists their potential sources: in reference to the first account, it was an outstanding piece of work in the field of political economy by Zanon, while in reference to the second account – a literary work of a well-known art historian, Cochin, and a literary historian, Richard, both distinguished experts on Italy and its spiritual and material culture. When focused on demographic issues, Mniszech draws special attention to his relationship to the clergy, which was very high in number ‒ not only in the described Kingdom of Sardinia and Turin but also in the whole of Italy, and was an obvious obstacle in the process of populating.
Journal of Pedagogy
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2011
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vol. 2
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issue 2
283-292
EN
In The Higher Learning in America, Veblen speculated on the prospects of the schools of commerce within the American university. Specifically he postulated that (a) instruction in the field of commercial training may all into a more rigidly drawn curriculum, that diverges from the ways of scientific inquiry (b) the college of commerce would divert funds from legitimate university uses, (c) create a bias hostile to scholarly and scientific work and (d) train graduates who would have better skills to predate on the community. The Higher Learning in America is an extension of his economics and was meant to be a warning about the cumulative effect of the conduct of universities by business principles. This paper summarizes the Veblenian approach used to question the legitimacy of the business school in the modern university. The goal is to promote a re-consideration of the role of the business school with respect to a Veblenian analysis.
EN
The objective of the paper is to discuss the correlations between capitalism and democracy in the context of the main questions of political economy. Both capitalism and democracy belong to the most intensely debated issues among philosophers, thinkers and scholars. They remain in complicated relations determining one another. At the same time the current dynamism of their relations constitutes one of the most challenging research agenda for economists, political scientists and representatives of other disciplines. This paper aims at building bridges between the economic and political perspectives offering refreshed deliberations on the correlations between democratic and capitalist logics.
Prakseologia
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2014
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issue 155
125-173
EN
The rise of the financial sector – and alteration of its functions in capitalism – has been discussed not only by economists but also by sociologists and political economists. Financialization is “(…) the increasing role of financial motives, financial markets, financial actors and financial institutions in the operation of the domestic and international economies” (Epstein 2005: 2). It is not a brand new process in sociology. However its scale and nature become an ever more popular element of the current diagnoses. Its main assumption is that crises of capitalist economies are not anomalies and their scale is dependent on the (lack of) control according to the market laws. The idea that the form of crises and their scale seem to be even more grave and take into account the interdependencies between national economies is becoming paradigmatic in the social sciences. The analysis starts with a review of financialization theories, proposed in political economy and sociology. I then empirically examine the Polish financial sector of the last 15 years with a particular focus on the role of mortgages.
PL
W latach 70. i 80. XX w. porównawcza ekonomia polityczna poświęcała wiele uwagi różnicom w schematach instytucjonalnych struktur politycznych lub temu, co można by nazwać „reżimem politycznym” (np. liberalizm, etatyzm, korporacjonizm). Niedawno badacze zaczęli zwracać uwagę na znaczenie firm oraz odgrywane przez nie role w ramach reżimów produkcyjnych. Podejmowane próby wyjaśnienia różnic w wynikach gospodarczych poszczególnych krajów nie uwzględniały w dyskusji porównawczej „reżimów wiedzy”, czyli instytucji, za pośrednictwem których powstają idee istotne dla polityk, wywierające wpływ na wyniki gospodarcze. Niniejszy artykuł wprowadza i rozwija pojęcie reżimu wiedzy, a także dokonuje porównania tychże reżimów w odniesieniu do różnych rodzajów ekonomii politycznych.
EN
Comparative political economy in the 1970s and 1980s was largely about variation in the institutional arrangement of political structures or what we might call “policy regimes” (e.g., liberal, statist, corporatist). More recently, researchers have turned their attention toward the importance of firms and their position within institutional arrangements or what we might call “production regimes” (e.g., liberal and coordinated market economies). Scholars relied on their understandings of both policy and production regimes to account for variation in national economic performance. What is missing is a comparable discussion of “knowledge regimes” – the institutions through which policy-relevant ideas are generated and percolate into the policy process in ways that affect economic performance. This paper introduces and develops the concept of knowledge regime and compares knowledge regimes in different types of political economies.
PL
Każda teoria mikroekonomiczna musi być osadzona w ramach kształtowanych przez rzetelny model makrogospodarki. Takie ramy daje nauka ekonomii politycznej, a na potrzeby tego artykułu zaliczymy do niej paradygmat klasyczny (Smith, Ricardo, Marks, Sraffa, Pasinetti) oraz kaleckistowską wersję nurtu keynesowskiego. Tak rozumiana ekonomia polityczna jest zasadniczo odmienna od paradygmatu neoklasycznego. Spojrzenie przez pryzmat tej ekonomii na neoklasyczne teorie rozwoju zapewnia podstawę do krytyki oraz do postawienia następującej tezy: ekonomia polityczna lepiej niż neoklasyczna pozwala opisać i zrozumieć współczesne procesy rozwoju regionalnego; podstawową rolę w rozwoju odgrywa państwowa (rządowa) polityka przemysłowa i edukacyjna, natomiast samorządy mogą pełnić rolę pomocniczą.
EN
Neoclassical economists usually think of “microfoundations” before they come to macroeconomics. We claim exactly the opposite: every microeconomic theory should be grounded in a credible macroeconomic model. Such a model may be the classical paradigm and Kaleckian economics, which are fundamentally different from the neoclassical paradigm. Thus, we will prove the following thesis: political economy is better than the neoclassical theory at describing and explaining contemporary regional development processes. State policy has a fundamental role to play in shaping regional development, while local authorities may perform an auxiliary function.
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