Search results

1

Všeobecné volební právo – symbol politiky či politikaření?

100%

Doubek V.

Střed. Časopis pro mezioborová studia Střední Evropy 19. a 20. století. / Centre. Journal for Interdisciplinary Studies of Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries.

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2009

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vol. 1

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issue 1

68 – 81

EN

The study focuses on a frequently debated question of the role of universal suffrage in the context of Austrian politics at the turn of the 20th century. It performs a cross-sectional analysis of the transformation of the election rules in Austria and the gradual widening of the suffrage until the introduction of universal suffrage in 1907. This overview only serves, however, as a basis for comparison of seemingly different approaches united and unified by a common goal. Similar eff orts often concealed very different if not contradictory notions of individual political parties and streams with respect to the usability of an extended suffrage in party, national or class interests. Although the value of universal suffrage seems to be irreplaceable for the growth of positive democratic principles in politics, at that time this right and the struggle for its institutionalisation became a political instrument and part of the rivalry between the political parties.

2

Research Project «Contemporary European historiography of Stalinism: Tradition and new research strategies for Central and Eastern Europe»

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Menkouski V., Šmigeľ M.

Acta historica Neosoliensia Vedecký časopis pre historické vedy

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2014

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vol. 17

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issue 1-2

363-371

EN

The methodological basis of the study are scientific principles of historicism, the systematic and comprehensive approach to the subject. The principle of historicism requires the study of theories and models of European authors consider the intellectual and methodological back-ground and conditions for the formation of the analyzed approaches. In the interpretation of concepts tailored to the particular author's intention, political and historiographical situation in which created analyzed historiographical sources. In the development of the research topic the author used a systematic approach involving the study of the national (regional) historiography as an integrated system where all the directions and trends related, perform specific functions and take the necessary space in the structure of the system. The development of the integrated system and its influencing factors are the focus of historiographical research. The principle of comprehensiveness is based on the effects on problem-theoretical content and the development of historical science as immanent and external social, political and general scientific factors.

3

Polityka niemieckich i radzieckich okupantów wobec polskiego ziemiaństwa w latach II wojny światowej

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Gapys J., Nowak M.

Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski

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2011

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vol. 2

93-108

EN

The article aims at the presentation of the Soviet and German occupants’ policy towards the polish landed gentry in the years 1939–1945. An analysis of operations both totalitarian regimes possessing high social prestige in the interwar Poland was conducted. The study presents the aims that occupants wanted to gain from the social and property elite of the occupied country. This paper shows the collation of the two occupants’ operations. In the Soviet zone the occupants aspired to elimination the polish landed gentry as a social rank, whilst in the German zone weakening the position and the isolation in the Polish society were the objectives. The gentry property war employed by Germans led to the exploitation of agriculture in General – Gouvernement. The Soviet authorities used the Polish landed gentry to rationalise abolishment of the old order. In practice, it meant liquidation of the gentry’s property through nationalization and the appropriation of effects and immovables. It was often connected with illegal annexation and devastation.

4

The Sixth Republic under Roh Tae Woo: The Genesis of South Korean Democracy

100%

Strnad G.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2010

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vol. 39

204-225

EN

The inauguration of Roh Tae Woo as president of the Sixth Republic of Korea in February 1988 can be considered as a turning point in South Korean political history. The five years of the Roh Tae Woo administration, 1988–1993, contained many of the first steps, albeit sometimes transitionally imperfect, toward democracy and an ultimate return to civilian rule of law, as well as greater political freedoms. According to Samuel P. Huntington, the Korean form of democratization was an example of transplacement, in which the government made concessions and opposition political groups accepted it to avoid mutual catastrophe. Furthermore, a case can be made for the mode of democratic transition in South Korea also being like Donald Share’s transition through transaction, Terry Lynn Karl and Philippe C. Schmitter’s transition by pact, and Adam Przeworki’s democracy with guarantees.

5

Bílé lístky

100%

Pehr M.

Střed. Časopis pro mezioborová studia Střední Evropy 19. a 20. století. / Centre. Journal for Interdisciplinary Studies of Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries.

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2009

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vol. 1

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issue 1

95-109

EN

The end of the World War II and the reinstallation of Czechoslovakia brought many changes, which influenced the development of suffrage. In general, these changes resulted in more or less restrictions of suffrage (apart from lowering the age limit for acquiring active and passive suffrage). One of such important changes were so called white ballots, this study deals with. White ballots were used only during the 1946 and 1948 elections. By casting such a white ballot, voters had the opportunity to vote for nobody and nothing. Their introduction was interpreted as a possibility to protest legally, freely and democratically against the new situation in the state. In reality, however, their introduction meant a restriction of suffrage, with the main political agents of the Third Czechoslovak Republic trying to estimate, how many inhabitants did not agree with the new political setting. White ballots played even a more important role during the 1948 elections, which were perceived as a confirmation of the communist February takeover. The voters had the opportunity to vote either for a singular ballot of the popular front or to cast a white ballot. A strong campaigning against the opportunity to cast a white ballot was launched by the communist and was accompanied with psychological and occasionally even physical intimidation. Despite of this, approximately 10 per cent of the population took advantage of the opportunity and did cast a white ballot. It was the single opportunity to present personal opinions at the beginning of the communist totalitarian regime.

6

Jan Šrámek a Bohumil Stašek. Příklady souladu i disonance české a moravské katolické politiky po roce 1918

100%

Šebek J.

Střed. Časopis pro mezioborová studia Střední Evropy 19. a 20. století. / Centre. Journal for Interdisciplinary Studies of Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries.

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2010

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vol. 2

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issue 2

9 – 22

EN

Two outstanding Catholic politicians, Jan Šrámek and Bohumil Stašek, members of the People’s Party, and their political activities in Czechoslovakia between the two world wars are examined and compared in the study. Their personal and political career reflects not only the peripeteia of the political and religious situation in the First Czechoslovak Republic, characterized by a strong influence of the secularization and anti-Catholic wave existing in the country, but also the regional differences between Bohemia and Moravia. Their common denominator consisted in the efforts aimed at improving the negative view of Catholicism in the nation’s eyes. In spite of these common efforts, however, each of them chose to follow a different way in practical political work. Šrámek compressed the Catholic political program in the narrow limits of short-time and often defensive solutions, and was able to achieve a compromise even with his ideological opponents, which helped the Party score important political points, but it was also a target of criticism by some Catholic circles. Stašek differed from Šrámek by his endeavor to formulate clear ideological concepts and rather offensive political ideas that were often based on the Pope’s revival program for the Church. These features gave later rise to ideological differences between the People’s Party Members and resulted in a political and power struggle inside that party of political Catholicism.

7

Bułgarzy w walce o niepodległość w XIX w.

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Rubacha J.

Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski

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2010

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vol. 1

89-103

EN

Bulgarian lands, which at the end of the 14th century were under the Turkish rule, for several centuries were a kind of buffer zone between the Ottoman Empire and Europe. Specific geopolitical position of this area caused that Turkish power wanted to keep quiet by every accessible means. Therefore it is hard to be surprised that in Bulgaria Ottoman rules were particularly cruel, and every trial of resistance resulted in thousands of victims. The beginning of the 19th century brought change of the situation. Causes of such a state of things were numerous, but two of them seem the most essential. Firstly, it was the internal crisis of multinational Turkish state. The decreasing importance of the sultan power and ubiquitous corruption of administrative apparatus led to bigger and bigger anarchy. The endeavour to control the situation, though declared, was usually taken at the cost of non-Muslim population, which significantly radicalized the social moods. Secondly, the growth of Bulgarians’ national consciousness was doubtless, which in historiography is known as “National Awake”. It lasted for the other half of the 18th century. The abortive reforms, increase of the fiscal pressure and the growth of national consciousness already in the beginning of the 19th century encouraged Bulgarians to fight for the improvement of their existence. In this process internationalization of the “Bulgarian question” played the essential part. No matter what consequences it had for particular businesses of great European powers, it had at last to play the essential part in reactivating Bulgarian state in the year 1878. In the 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th century Bulgarians played special part in the events on Balkan Peninsula, becoming spiritus movens of the process which led to almost total removal of Turkey from Europe. Victims in the period of the national independence fight were not sacrificed in vain.

8

"Droga ta była ciężka, lecz została stopniowo pokonana". Dzieje polityczne i społeczne Andrychowa w latach 1945-1950

100%

Matyjasik K.

Wadoviana. Przegląd historyczno-kulturalny

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2017

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issue 20

55-86

EN

The topic of this article is Andrychów’s history after World War II. The time-frame includes the events from 1945 (the city’s liberation by the Red Army and the creation of the communist system in Andrychów) to 1950 (the beginnings of the Six-Year Plan). The purpose of the article is to present the postwar history of Andrychów regarding the city’s political and social history over the examined period. The article was divided into two parts. In the first part – Political life – I presented the politcal situation in the city after its liberation in January 1945. The Polish Worker’s Party (Polska Partia Robotnicza, PPR) was active in 1944 in Andrychów. Thanks to the fact that the German army was driven out of Andrychów by the Red Army, the Polish Worker’s Party could begin its activity. The political situation had an influence over the politics of the Andrychów’s authorities. In 1946 was hold a referendum „Three Time Yes referendum” in Andrychów. At the beginning of the year 1948, the most important parties in the city – the Polish Socialist Party (Polska Partia Socjalistyczna, PPS) and the PPR strived for unification. Andrychów’s authorities were fighting with the anti-communist resistance. The inhabitants, however, were also affected by the repressions. In the second part – Social life – I described the most important social problems of Andrychów’s inhabitants after the war. As the social life is concerned, the communist authorities were well-disposed towards certain pursuits of Andrychów’s inhabitants. In 1948, a radio network was installed in the city. In 1949, the authorities tried to establish a seondary school.

9

Michaił N. Pokrowski (1868-1932). Portret uczonego i rewolucjonisty

88%

Witczak J. K.

Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski

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2012

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vol. 3

87-99

EN

Mikhail Nikolayevich Pokrovsky is undoubtedly one of these Russian historians, whose creative heritage has been the object of controversies for decades. Upon that, some authors write mainly on scholar’s remarkable contribution to national historiography, his original idea of Russia’s historical evolution; others – in every possible way emphasize dark sides of Pokrovsky’s work, inefficiency of his class and political approach to historical researches, “tangled by pseudo-Marxist dogmas”. The author of this paper in view of newly revealed sources has tried to present the unbiased story of Marxist historian’s life and his diligent search for an answer to “the eternal questions of existence”. The limited size of this paper does not allow to describe more thoroughly certain periods of his work and activity. The author sees his main task in approximation of main events and facts straightforwardly connected with the described personage and casting discredit on existing in scholarly literature opinions about scholar’s allegedly solely negative influence on historical studies in soviet Russia in 1920s. The outline has been written on the basis of old as well as completely new historical publications which allows to examine more carefully different facts concerning the scholar, which have emerged over a period of last decades.

10

Rozbieżności w stosunkach polsko-łotewskich po I wojnie światowej i ich wojskowo-polityczne następstwa

88%

Łach W. B.

Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski

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2011

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vol. 2

135-150

EN

The article entitled “Discrepancies in Polish and Latvian relations after World War I and its Military and Political Consequences” is a study presenting the current state of historical and military knowledge concerning the place, role and significance of Polish and Latvian relationships after World War I. Contacts between reborn Poland and a new Latvian state were not established instantly. However, a drive towards military cooperation between both sides became visible in the second half of 1919. Latvia was then at war with Soviet Russia and needed support. Under these conditions, Poland seemed to be the most important ally, whose help should be sought. A formal agreement on a joint military operation was concluded on 30 December 1919. According to this agreement, the Operating Group of General Śmigły-Rydz, formed with Polish and Latvian troops, started its actions on 3 January 1920. Daugavpils was seized soon after, and consequently, direct communication was established between Poland and Latvia. Despite the shared victory, discrepancies started to emerge. Poland wanted Latvia to stand by its side during the offensive on the eastern front planned for the spring of 1920. The Latvians had a different view on this matter. Along with defeats of the Polish troops, the attitude of Latvia towards Poland became cooler. The sign of the turnabout was the rapid conclusion in August 1920 of peace talks with Soviet Russia, in the most tragic moment of war for Poland. The seizure of Vilnius in October 1920 by General Żeligowski resulted in further deterioration of Polish-Latvian relations and became an obstacle for entering into a military alliance. Despite a significant general improvement, the Polish and Latvian relations were still bothered by unsettled issues. The problem was an indefinite and hesitant view of Latvia towards the solution of the Vilnius affiliation issue. It inclined towards neutrality under the condition of Lithuania holding its independence. In 1926, apart from general pacification, as a matter of fact, it can be claimed that despite the stabilisation of Polish-Latvian relations, political and military alliance was not achieved. The borders and expanded economic cooperation were not arranged either. Such an unstable state of affairs remained until 1939.

11

Orvieto and Bagnoregio in the XIV century - a case study on city and countryside in Late Medieval Italy

88%

Poggi F.

Miscellanea Geographica. Regional Studies on Development

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2019

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vol. 23

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issue 3

EN

The aim of this article is to examine the interactions among main cities and the rural communities subordinate to them in central Italy during Late Middle Age. Premise of my work is the refusal of the assumption that cities and towns interacted between them as a whole. I choose Orvieto and its subordinate town of Bagnoregio in 1303 and 1304 as case study to enlighten that parties and faction based in the city and in the town interacted in ways that it is impossible to reduce to the dichotomy masterservant: this links as a whole shaped the dialogue between the city and its subordinates.

12

Obraz wartości PRL w komiksie Henryka Jerzego Chmielewskiego Tytus, Romek i A’Tomek (analiza ksiąg z lat 1966–1987)

75%

Grzegorzewski K.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Polonica

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2017

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vol. 41

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issue 3

159-180

EN

Author analyses a popular comic book series by H.J. Chmielewski, Tytus, Romek & A’Tomek (book from 1966–1987) and tries to reconstruct a propagandist vision of the Polish Peoples Republic’s reality. The main research tool is a content analysis of book, using knowledge of the political history of Poland and the world (1945–1989), social and mass communication context, history of media in Poland and rhetorics. Author describes the results, in relation to book by sociologist, Hanna Świda-Ziemba: The youth of Polish People’s Republic.

13

S čínskými komunisty proti Husákově normalizaci : exilová skupina Listy a její hledání politických partnerů proti sovětské mocenské dominanci ve střední Evropě

75%

Orság P.

Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)

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2016

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vol. 23

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issue 4

563-601

EN

a2_The author acquaints the reader with visits by Listy ''envoys'' to China, who acquainted their partners there with current developments in central Europe, including information about dissidents and the opposition movement. A special initiative as part of this collaboration was their attempt to get their own representatives involved in the Czech broadcasts of Radio Peking. Though they briefly succeeded in this, their plan to influence the content of transmissions to Czechoslovakia, and thereby make it an information source for listeners which would provide an alternative to state-controlled Czechoslovak mass media, ultimately came to naught: members of the Listy group worked at Radio Peking only as language advisers for the Czech broadcasts.

CS

a2_Autor přibližuje návštěvy vyslanců skupiny Listy do Číny, kteří své tamní partnery seznamovali s aktuálním vývojem ve střední Evropě včetně informací o disentu a opozičním hnutí. Specifickou iniciativou v rámci této spolupráce byl pokus prosadit vlastního zástupce v českém vysílání Rádia Peking - to se dočasně podařilo, ale plán ovlivňovat obsah vysílání do Československa, tak aby se mohlo stát pro posluchače ve vlasti informační alternativou k oficiálním médiím, se nezdařil a zástupci skupiny Listy působili ve vysílání jen jako jazykoví poradci.

14

Specifická cesta KSČ k socialismu : fikce, nebo realita?

75%

Pernes J., Váchová J.

Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)

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2016

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vol. 23

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issue 1-2

11-53

EN

a4_The report sees the greatest mistake in the Czechoslovak Communist Party´s orientation to a peaceful road to Socialism without class struggle or victims, in its overrating of parliamentary forms of struggle and underestimating the importance of the revolutionary rising up of the masses. It also criticizes the mass expansion of the membership base of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, which it considers to be a rejection of the Bolshevik principles of the organizational building up of the Party. The report condemns the leadership of the Czechoslovak Communist Party (and other parties before the February takeover) for its nationalities policy when dealing with the German and Hungarian minorities in Czechoslovakia, because the leadership ignored Leninist-Stalinist approaches to this question. The Czechoslovak Communist Party leadership, according to the authors of the report, were guilty of similar deviations on the peasant question, because it had failed to work out a "scientific" solution and did not strike at the very foundations of capitalism in the villages. In the conclusion of the report, the authors state that the Czechoslovak Communist Party shoud have re-examined its theoretical starting points and practical policy, and they set out the terms and conditions that the leadership had to meet in order to rectify the situation in the Marxist-Leninist spirit.

CS

a4_Dále kritizuje masové rozšiřování členské základny KSČ, které hodnotí jako odmítání bolševických zásad organizační výstavby strany. Ostrý odsudek si vedení KSČ (stejně jako ostatní předúnorové strany) vysloužilo za nacionalistickou politiku uplatňovanou vůči německé a maďarské menšině v Československu, přezírající leninsko-stalinské přístupy v národnostní otázce. Podobné úchylky se údajně dopustilo v rolnické otázce, když nevypracovalo vědecký program jejího řešení a nenarušilo základy kapitalismu na vesnici. V závěru zprávy její pisatelé konstatují, že KSČ musí přezkoumat svá teoretická východiska i praktickou politiku, a formulují podmínky, které musí nutně splnit ke své nápravě v duchu marxismu-leninismu.

15

Debaty o pamięci w kontekście relacji polsko‑żydowskich ostatniego stulecia. Rezonans medialny wzajemnych stosunków na tle obchodów 50. rocznicy wydarzeń marca 1968 na łamach tygodników „Polityka” i „Sieci”

75%

Zemła B.

Studia Politicae Universitatis Silesiensis

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2019

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vol. 25

159-195

EN

The main objective of this article is drawing a general outline of Polish‑Jewish relations in years between 1918-2018 while analysing contemporary image of these relations that has been shaped through bipolar political narration in two ways: heroically nostalgic and critical. I will try to prove that story of common past, having great impact on the image of our nation, has now become yet another front line of ideological division of Polish society. As relentless dispute about antisemitism in times of independent Poland continues, it intensifies with current events that evoke it, such as amendment of act about Institute of National Remembrance (IPN) and commemorations of important events: liberation of Auschwitz concentration camp, riots in ghetto in Warsaw, Polish March of 1968. I will also present points of disagreement in historiography of Polish and Jewish experiences as well as analysis of media reaction about infamous events of March ‘68 that arose during spring of 2018 by occasion of their 50th anniversary, using examples from weekly magazines of opinion “Polityka” and “Sieci”.

PL

Celem podjętym w artykule jest przedstawienie w bardzo ogólnym zarysie stosunków polsko‑żydowskich w latach 1918-2018 oraz ich współczesnego obrazu kształtowanego w ramach dwubiegunowo prowadzonej narracji politycznej, określanej jako heroiczno‑nostalgiczna oraz krytyczna. Postaram się wykazać, że opowieści o wspólnych losach, wywierające wpływ na kształtowanie wizerunku naszego narodu, stały się obecnie kolejną linią ideologicznego podziału społeczeństwa polskiego. Trwa nieustający spór o różnym natężeniu na temat występowania antysemityzmu w dziejach niepodległej Polski, a intensywności nabiera przy okazji przywołujących ten problem bieżących wydarzeń, takich jak np. nowelizacja ustawy o Instytucie Pamięci Narodowej, obchody rocznic wyzwolenia obozu koncentracyjnego w Oświęcimiu, powstania w getcie warszawskim, wydarzeń polskiego Marca 1968 roku. W artykule przedstawię punkty sporne w historiografii wspólnych, polsko‑żydowskich, doświadczeń oraz analizę rezonansu medialnego niechlubnych wypadków marcowych, jaki - na łamach tygodników opinii „Polityka” i „Sieci” - powstał wiosną 2018 roku przy okazji obchodów 50. rocznicy tych wydarzeń.

16

[Recenzja]: Natalia Nowakowska, Królewski kardynał. Studium kariery Fryderyka Jagiellończyka (1468-1503), wyd. polskie, poprawione, Wydawnictwo Societas Vistulana, Kraków 2011, 281 pp

75%

Szulc D.

Archiwa, Biblioteki i Muzea Kościelne

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2015

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vol. 103

399-404

17

Ve jménu boje proti ''diktátorům'', ''spiklencům'' a ''zrádcům'' : čistka v Krajských výborech KSČ v Ostravě a Českých Budějovicích v roce 1951

75%

Hemza T.

Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)

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2017

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vol. 24

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issue 1-2

127-163

EN

The topic of the study are the intra-party purges which took place in the regional organizations of the CPCz in Ostrava and České Budějovice in 1951. The author presents both as an integral part of Stalinist campaigns and political trials that were taking place in countries of the Communist bloc at the turn of the 1940s and 1950s. He shows how the argumentation rhetoric was escalating, starting with criticism of ''dictator-like behavior'' of party officials and ending with their indictment as ''conspirators'' and ''traitors'' within the party. The author describes the purges and changes of persons holding top party positions in both regions, examining whether the purges were a result of pressures from the centre or of local conflicts, and whether a generation factor was reflected in them. He has found out that their dynamism was determined both by activities of the State Security and Commission of Party Control which were trying to identify enemies in the ranks of the CPCz and by activities of regional functionaries who did not hesitate to participate in the purges, promoting their own power interests behind the facade of ideological criticism. However, the proportion of these two factors was different in each region; unlike in České Budějovice, the first stage of the purges in Ostrava was under direct control of members of central bodies of the CPCz. The study also concludes that the two intra-party purges showed signs of a generation conflict. The previous regional party committees consisted mainly of pre-war party members many of whom had been involved in anti-Nazi resistance. However, the older crew lost the battle for power, and during 1951 was replaced in the leadership of the regional party organizations in northern Moravia and southern Bohemia by the youngest generation of apparatchiks who had joined the CPCz only after 1945.

CS

Tématem studie jsou vnitrostranické čistky, která se odehrály v krajských organizacích Komunistické strany Československa v Ostravě a v Českých Budějovicích v roce 1951. Obě čistky autor prezentuje jako nedílnou součást stalinských kampaní a politických procesů, které se na přelomu čtyřicátých a padesátých let minulého století odehrály v komunistickém bloku. Ukazuje přitom, jak se stupňovala argumentační rétorika od kritiky ,,diktátorství'' funkcionářů po jejich obvinění jako ,,spiklenců'' a ,,zrádců'' uvnitř strany. Autor detailně popisuje průběh těchto čistek a změny personálního obsazení vedoucích stranických funkcí v obou krajích a zkoumá přitom, nakolik byly čistky výsledkem tlaku z centra, anebo lokálních konfliktů, a jak se v nich uplatňoval generační faktor. Zjišťuje, že jejich dynamiku určovala jednak činnost Státní bezpečnosti a Komise stranické kontroly, které se snažily odhalit nepřátele v řadách komunistické strany, jednak také aktivita regionálních funkcionářů, kteří se neváhali do čistky zapojit a prosazovat za fasádou ideologické kritiky vlastní mocenské zájmy. Podíl těchto faktorů byl ovšem v obou krajích rozdílný a v Ostravě se na rozdíl od Českých Budějovic odehrála první fáze čistky v přímé režii činitelů z ústředního aparátu KSČ. Studie také konstatuje, že obě vnitrostranické čistky měly znaky generačního konfliktu. Původní krajská vedení KSČ byla tvořena především předválečnými členy strany, kteří se ve velké míře zapojili do protinacistického odboje. V mocenském souboji však tato starší garnitura neobstála a během roku 1951 byla ve vedení krajských organizací KSČ na severní Moravě a v jižních Čechách nahrazena nejmladší generací aparátníků, kteří vstoupili do strany až po roce 1945.

18

Poválečná očista a komunistické bezpráví : k článku Jakuba Šloufa

75%

Heumos P., Heumosová J.

Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)

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2017

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vol. 24

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issue 4

624-627

CS

Tento text je autorsky upravenou podobou recenzního posudku Petera Heumose na studii Jakuba Šloufa ,,Očista průmyslových závodů od kolaborantů a ‘asociálních živlů’ v roce 1945: Politická machinace, exces retribuce, či inkubátor revoluční morálky?'' v tomto čísle Soudobých dějin (s. 538-581). Podle autora Šloufův článek představuje neobyčejně produktivní příspěvek k pokračující diskusi českých historiků o politických a společenských souvislostech vzniku komunistického režimu a jeho stabilizace. Heumos vyzvedává jeho přednosti a polemizuje proti některým závěrům. Rozvíjí přitom myšlenku, že sociální a politické aktivity v československých průmyslových podnicích po osvobození v květnu 1945 měly ambivalentní charakter a že jejich tendence vytvářet si vlastní pravidla jednání, ignorující formální právní předpisy, pokud šlo o postihy údajných kolaborantů a ,,asociálních živlů¨¨ z doby okupace, nebyla sama o sobě faktorem podporujícím nástup komunistického bezpráví. Vidí v nich naopak spíše kontinuitu s projevy rezistence sociálního prostředí průmyslových podniků proti tlakům z mocenského centra v padesátých a šedesátých letech minulého století.

19

Očista průmyslových závodů od kolaborantů a ''asociálních živlů'' v roce 1945 : politická machinace, exces retribuce, či inkubátor revoluční morálky?

75%

Šlouf J.

Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)

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2017

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vol. 24

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issue 4

538-581

EN

a2_The study illustrates how company councils, acting through investigation commissions which, nevertheless, had to create their own legal rules as they had no position or status defined in official legislation, were trying, since mid-May 1945, to regulate, formalize, and unify initial spontaneous actions of employees. However, the legal uncertainty in factories led to a decline of respect to superiors, deterioration of working morale, and devaluation of expertise. In mid-July 1945, organs of the Revolutionary Trade Union Movement intervened into the cleansing process, as they were interested in improving the performance of the mationaized industry. Appeal chambers were established at regional trade union councils as second-instance bodies deciding disputes submitted legal documents and supporting assigning the individuals affected by the cleansing to adequate working positions in the production process. In October 1945, the results of the company cleansing process were incorporated, under the pressure of trade unions, into official legislation under the so-called Small Retribution Degree. The resulting legal framework was thus and apparent compromise between pro-war legal conventions and moral criteria established during the May 1945 revolution.

CS

a2_Studie dokumentuje, jak se prvotní živelné zásahy zaměstnanců od poloviny května 1945 pokoušely regulovat, formalizovat a sjednotit závodní rady prostřednictvím vyšetřovacích komisí, které si však jakožto legislativně nezakotvené orgány musely utvářet vlastní neoficiální právní předpisy. Právní nejistota v továrnách však vedla k úpadku autority nadřízených, k poklesu pracovní morálky a k devalvaci odbornosti. V polovině července 1945 proto do očistného procesu vstoupily orgány Revolučního odborového hnutí, které měly zájem na posílení výkonnosti znárodňovaného průmyslu. Při krajských odborových radách vznikly odvolací senáty, které v druhé instanci rozhodovaly spory z jednotlivých průmyslových závodů. Kladly přitom vyšší nároky na zpracování právních podkladů a podporovaly začlenění postižených osob na adekvátní odborné pozice ve výrobním procesu. V říjnu 1945 byly pak výsledky podnikové očisty na nátlak odborů začleněny do rámce oficiální legislativy prostřednictvím takzvaného malého retribučního dekretu. Výsledný právní řád tak byl zjevným kompromisem mezi předválečnými právními zvyklostmi a morálními kritérii utvořenými během revoluce v květnu 1945.

20

Пра традыцыі Вялікага Княства Літоўскага і Рэчы Паспалітай, „Kresy Wschodnie” і ролю Польшчы і палякаў у гісторыі беларусаў і літоўцаў

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Смалянчук [Smalianchuk] А. A.

Acta Baltico-Slavica

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2017

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vol. 41

EN

About the tradition of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, the Polish‑Lithuanian Commonwealth, “Kresy Wschodnie” and the role of Poland and Poles in the history of Belarusians and LithuaniansSeveral prominent historians and researchers of historical memory from Poland, Lithuania and Belarus have focused on some questions concerning traditions of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, as well as the role of the close neighbors in the history of Poles, Lithuanians, and Belarusians. This insight give us an idea about the main directions of historical research in these countries for which the history of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Polish‑Lithuanian Commonwealth is a common heritage. This also allows us to understand the level of public and political interest in this problem, and reveal important trends in the historical memory of these three countries. O tradycjach Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego i Rzeczypospolitej, „Kresach Wschodnich” oraz roli Polski i Polaków w historii Białorusinów i LitwinówZnani historycy i badacze problematyki pamięci z Polski, Litwy oraz Białorusi odpowiedzieli na pytania dotyczące tradycji Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego oraz Rzeczypospolitej, a także roli bliskich sąsiadów w historii Polaków, Litwinów i Białorusinów. Odpowiedzi pokazują, jakie są podstawowe kierunki badań historycznych w krajach, dla których historia Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego i Rzeczypospolitej stanowi wspólne dziedzictwo, pozwalają zrozumieć, jaki jest poziom społecznego oraz politycznego zainteresowania tą problematyką, oraz ujawniają ważne tendencje związane z pamięcią historyczną tych trzech państw.

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Пра традыцыі Вялікага Княства Літоўскага і Рэчы Паспалітай, „Kresy Wschodnie” і ролю Польшчы і палякаў у гісторыі беларусаў і літоўцаў