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EN
The main objective of the article is an attempt to determine the marketing utility of opinion-forming weeklies in the view of political actors. The following chapters include answers to questions, such as: 1. What kind of functions in the political debate are fulfilled by opinion-forming weeklies? 2. What distinctive features are related to the concept of political marketing? 3. What kind of marketing instruments remain at the disposal of politicians in pluralistic systems? 4. What is the significance of the marketing utility of opinion-forming weeklies in the view of political actors appealing for public support?
EN
This paper contains considerations over political culture manifestations of the Civic Platform (Platforma Obywatelska) on the Internet during the polish parliamentary campaign 2011. The authors analyzed the political culture in three main dimensions. The first of them is the area of knowledge, which includes the program and the content contained on the Web sites of the Civic Platform candidates. Another one is the socio-communicational level, in which relations between a politician and his voters occur in the Web 2.0 network model. Last dimention is the technology and its impact on the changing ways of presenting content and contacting other participants of political life. Article ends with considerations on further possible changes in political elections on the Internet.
EN
The processes of contemporary politics are increasingly informed by ideas and principles that derive from conventional marketing. This, we suggest, is intimately connected to the neoliberal ascendancy which characterises the global political environment. In this article we seek to historicise the structural and ideological embedding of economic ideas within the political realm. We argue that marketing both informs and is a product of these changes and that there are important consequences, notably the further detaching of an already disaffected public from the electoral process. Conse- quently we conclude that the “marketisation” of politics has come to represent an “ideology of discon- nection.”
PL
The subject of this paper will be a semantic and structural analysis of the names of electoral committees, and a reference to the axiological systems that are indirectly reflected by them. The names of electoral committees are obligatory elements of electoral activities, as well as being an interesting element of political marketing.
EN
The political subject is defined as the consumer of goods in the form of political power, political ideas, political leaders, and parties. Political marketing is understood as the identification of political relations and processes with different forms of market exchange and the process of electoral choice as a specific market (the act of purchase and sale). The concept of political positioning appeared as the result of relevant categories of commercial research in the political sphere. Political positioning should be considered as the process of political communication aimed at acquiring by political actor his position in political marketing. It is the most difficult type of political and communication strategic campaigns. This approach allows the candidate (party) to compare his image with electorate’s views of desired (acceptable) candidate, political party; compare his image with the image of an opponent; explore the pros and cons of alternative positions; and choose those the most advantageous position for a candidate (party).
EN
The Round Table Agreement led to the opening up of the Polish political scene and initiated the free competition of political parties. From this moment on we have dealt with permanent professionalization of the campaign, especially political TV advertising. Analyzing TV spots from the election campaigns we can subdivide three phases, at-tributable to periods: 1989–1995, 1995–2001 and 2001–2011. The first of these is char-acterized by a low degree of professionalization and poor use of political advertising. The second phase involves the personalization of the campaign and gradual expansion of advertising formats. The third phase, initiated by parliamentary elections in 2001, is characterized by a significant increase in spending on paid advertising and benefiting from patterns of U.S. political campaigns (shorter and more dynamic spots, domination of image content and the use of negative advertising). Parliamentary elections in 2011 may herald the beginning of the next phase. It can be assumed that in the era of technological progress Polish parties will gradually move their advertising messages to the Internet.
EN
Integrated Marketing Communication (IMC) is a concept well known since the 1990s. It was elaborated for business branding and economic marketing actions. Its efficiency in business causes a growing interest in diverse forms of sector marketing – also political marketing. It is assumed that one aspect combining tools-like elements of IMC is Public Relations. However, an equally important factor, being a binder of all marketing communication tools of visual character is the building and implementing of visual identification systems. In this article chosen aspects of role that visual identity plays in marketing communication applied in political marketing are shown.
EN
The development of political marketing in Poland can be compared to Keith’s model: Lech Wałęsa posters (propaganda due to limited supply), 1990–1996 (focus on product communication strategies), 1997–2005 (focus on voters’ needs). Nevertheless the period of 2005–2007, and particularly the way the government of Law and Justice worked and communicated with the public, led to the emergence of values which started to be considered as benchmarks. Today’s political preferences eventuate not from the party’s economic program analysis but from the emotional attitude towards the values represented by key players. Rivalry takes place between patriotic and religious values represented by Law and Justice and individual freedom and admiration for optimism, love, joy and happiness shared by the politicians of Citizen’s Platform. This phenomenon can be described with Philip Kotler’s marketing 3.0 concept.
EN
The article focuses on analysis and evaluation of the manifestations of the internet political culture of the Polish Peasant Party in three dimensions: 1) content dimension, 2) socio-communicational dimension and 3) technical dimension. The first of these dimensions analyzes the content and form of the PSL election programme, and rates its availability on the Internet. With regard to the sociocommunicational dimension which is a key variable of the Internet electoral marketing following issues were examined: the types and nature of the arguments used by the PSL in the Internet discourse, the attitudes of PSL to the electorate and to other participants in the electoral game, the coherence of forms in which these messages are manifested. Technical dimension, in turn, relates to the accuracy of information and compliance of Web standards of PSL political culture: the ability and the adequacy of cultural codes adopted by surfers. The article ends with the synthesis encompassing evaluation of all the dimensions of political culture of PSL on the Internet.
EN
The article contains a multi-dimensional analysis of the activity of the Democratic Left Alliance (Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej, SLD) on the Internet during the parliamentary elections campaign in 2011. The scope of observation and analysis of the SLD’s activity allows to reconstruct and evaluate patterns of political culture in the following three dimensions: 1) programme offer dimension – including the scope and content of the election platform, 2) communicational and social dimension – focusing on the types and kinds of rhetorical expression, attitudes towards competitors, political opponents, and the electorate, and 3) technical dimension – encompassing aesthetics generated by the SLD’s web content and it’s compliance with the Internet political culture. Monitoring of all online channels of communication in the Web 1.0 and Web 2.0 were included into consideration: web sites, discussion forums, newsletters, social media profiles, blogs and microblogs.
EN
This study focuses on digital games that have become powerful persuasion tools which can be utilized for political marketing purposes. The authors believe that these media have to be thoroughly explored, because of the great potential of these platforms to become very useful tools for setting up political messages and the outreach capacity to the voting segment being difficult to achieve if only traditional media are used. The paper provides a set of theoretical views on political marketing in digital games. There are many examples analyzed in the paper, proving that the techniques of political marketing can create big benefits and that they can help politicians achieve their goals. So, we hypothesized a new phase of political marketing, underpinned by the utilization of digital games. As a methodology, we used content analysis of various digital games. The aim of this paper is to offer a better understanding of the benefits of political marketing campaigns in the digital gaming industry and to explore the role and impact of these techniques, as well as to provide potential future directions of this form of marketing.
EN
Post-truth was acknowledged as the word of 2016 by the editors of the Oxford Dictionaries. Several months ago it was a fashionable term used by intellectuals and scholars in the social sciences to offer a better or worse description of the reality of the Western world and the quite unexpected collapse of its order. Today, post-truth is successfully employed in everyday speech by columnists, journalists and even satirists. Given this rapid popularity of post-truth, it is worth asking the question of whether a new term is required to complement the conceptual apparatus of political science, and if such a term can make any contribution to studies into the political reality, particularly when such events as Brexit or the election of Donald Trump as the 45th US President are taken into account. The purpose of this paper is therefore to answer the question of the extent to which post-truth is conceptually autonomous. Another question concerns the dissemination of false information and the participation of new media in this process.
PL
Termin postprawda uznany przez redaktorów Oxford Dictionaries za słowo 2016 roku, jeszcze kilka miesięcy temu stanowił modny w kręgach intelektualistów i przedstawicieli nauk społecznych termin lepiej lub gorzej opisujący rzeczywistość załamującego się dość niespodziewanie ładu zachodniego świata. Dziś z powodzeniem wchodzi on do języka potocznego będąc chętnie stosowanym przez publicystów, dziennikarzy, a nawet satyryków. W obliczu tak gwałtownego wzrostu popularności postprawdy, warto zadać pytanie czy politolog w swoim aparacie pojęciowym potrzebuje nowego terminu i czy może wnieść on coś do badań nad rzeczywistością polityczną, szczególnie biorąc pod uwagę wydarzenia takie jak Brexit czy wybór Donalda Trumpa na 45. Prezydenta Stanów Zjednoczonych. Celem artykułu jest więc odpowiedź na pytanie: na ile postprawda tworzy pewną pojęciową autonomię? Drugim natomiast, jest pytanie o dystrybucję treści niezgodnych z prawdą i udział w tym procederze nowych mediów.
EN
Although political marketing management is still a very popular issue in modern political science, surprisingly, only few studies have tried to provide theoretical foundations for describing comprehensive marketing process in political parties. The aim of this paper is to present two complementary concepts developed by Robert P. Ormrod and Stephan C. Henneberg: Political Market Orientation and Strategic Political Postures. Both authors have prepared a theoretical framework for complex analysis of marketing operations in the parties. They consider political marketing management to be a permanent process which includes mainly building and maintaining relations with various stakeholders and creating strategies. The article presents these concepts from the perspective of previous studies and criticizes some assumptions in purpose to indicate possibilities and barriers of future empirical work.
EN
This paper deals with the problem of foreign and cryptoforeign funding of civil society organizations (CSOs). The question of foreign funding of CSOs is presented in the light of political marketing (inter alia: identification of global, regional and local market mechanisms (donors – clients)), hybrid warfare (real aims / interests of donors (the question of specific intelligence and counterintelligence)) and praxiology (effects, effectiveness).
EN
The aim of the paper is to provide useful tools for integral look at the celebrity endorsement process in political marketing that results in a holistic concept. The need for its creation was initiated by several authors, highlighting the inadequacy of partial approaches and thus limited possibilities for application of the existing models. Today, the main shortcomings of existing concepts of the theory and research in the field of celebrity endorsement lie in its fragmentation and inconsistency. The proposed model, based on theoretical research, has the ambition to open a wider debate on the issue and to provide practical tools for better understanding of the phenomenon.
EN
The aim of the paper is to identify and describe the policy positioningof the Democratic Party and the Republican Party as concerns access to firearms duringthe 2016 presidential election in the USA. The material analyzed includes official political platforms of both parties and statements of presidential candidates on access to firearms issued during the presidential campaign. The main research method used is content analysis. Based on the conducted analysis, numerous differences and similarities were identified between elements of the political product of “Firearms access” as well as in the (self)positioning of the two parties in relation to the issue. The results point to the significance of the problem of access to firearms as a political product strongly stratifying the American society, a true line of partisan divide. The added value of the article is highlighting the importance of the issue of firearms access in the American political culture, markedly influencing the American political market.
17
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Nie wizerunek, lecz renoma

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EN
The paper is composed of two parts. First is a column on public relations published, the second is an interview devoted to the relationships between political marketing and praxiology. The thesis of the both is that an image is not so important for organizations or persons as the fame or renown, Image like make-up is made by the organization or the person who wants to impress others, while fame or renown is how others perceive or think about organizations or persons because of their conduct. The first is more artificial, the second more real.The paper is composed of two parts. First is a column on public relations published, the second is an interview devoted to the relationships between political marketing and praxiology. The thesis of the both is that an image is not so important for organizations or persons as the fame or renown, Image like make-up is made by the organization or the person who wants to impress others, while fame or renown is how others perceive or think about organizations or persons because of their conduct. The first is more artificial, the second more real.
EN
The purpose of this article is to analyze the use of scandalization as a specific way of creating politicians’ image and attracting the attention of the public. In this context, the author has defined the concept of scandalization and identified reasons justifying the use of such mechanisms in politics. By the analysis of the careers of selected Polish politicians, the author has characterized the image of a scandalous person and identified the role of such people in the political arena. Moreover, he has distinguished and described four types of scandalization: discrediting, provocative, shocking, and involving a celebrity. By referring to this typology, the author has identified a number of general considerations to the use of scandalization mechanisms for self-aggrandizement and image creation.
PL
Celem artykułu jest analiza wykorzystania skandalizacji jako specyficznego sposobu kształtowania wizerunku oraz przyciągania uwagi widowni. W tym kontekście autor zdefiniował pojęcie skandalizacji oraz określił przesłanki uzasadniające wykorzystanie takich mechanizmów w polityce. Analizując kariery wybranych polskich polityków, scharakteryzował wizerunek skandalisty oraz określił rolę takich osób na scenie politycznej. Ponadto wyróżnił i opisał cztery rodzaje skandalizacji: dyskredytacyjną, prowokacyjną, bulwersującą, celebrycką. Odnosząc się do tej typologii, sprecyzował kilka ogólnych wyznaczników wykorzystania mechanizmów skandalizacji do autopromocji i kształtowania wizerunku.
EN
Jarosław Kaczynski is currently the most important person in Polish politics. Thus, establishing the politician’s real opinion regarding the functioning of Poland within the structures of the European Union is of utmost importance. The aim of the present article is to analyse changes in how Jarosław Kaczynski spoke out on the matter of the UE, between and during the European Parliament Election campaigns. The research focuses also on the politician’s attitude towards the UE. As a result of the analysis, the following conclusion has been drawn: Jarosław Kaczynski’s beliefs about the UE have undergone numerous changes over the course of the years. However, he predominantly tends to perceive European integration as a negative process, while simultaneously endorsing the current that strengthens the feeling of national identity.
EN
Political marketing tool is inherent in the business of politicians in contemporary reality. After 1989 there was a big change in the presentation of politicians. The mechanisms of the free economy has moved into the realm of politics. Created a system of competition and pluralism associated with the views, the modes of presentation, strategies action. Politicians niche (non-mainstream) try to use marketing tools to gain more social support, and ultimately achieve electoral success. This article attempts to examine the effectiveness of selected activities in the field of political marketing during election campaigns by candidates who are not counted among the favorites. The influence of marketing on the outcome of the election (a term depending on the direction and strength of these two variables). Working erected question: to what extent a successful electoral candidates niche (or failure) corresponds to the effective use of the tools of political marketing, and to what extent determine the other factors? The analysis was performed, examining ways of conducting election campaigns of candidates for presidents elected at different times (years 1990–2015). The study was based on a review of key elements of political marketing: strategy election results of surveys, image creation media, political public relations. An attempt was made to determine which of these tools (the use of) produces the best results. For better comparison and transparency of research results, all candidates were selected from among those not considered the favorite (niche, non-mainstream).
PL
Marketing polityczny stanowi nieodłączne narzędzie w działalności polityków we współczesnej rzeczywistości. Po 1989 roku nastąpiła duża zmiana w zakresie prezentacji polityków. Mechanizmy z wolnej gospodarki zostały przeniesione w sferę polityki. Wytworzył się system konkurencji i pluralizm związany z poglądami, sposobami prezentacji, strategiami działania. Politycy niszowi (spoza głównego nurtu) próbują wykorzystywać narzędzia marketingu, aby zdobyć większe poparcie społeczne, a w efekcie odnieść wyborczy sukces. Celem artykułu jest próba zbadania skuteczności wybranych działań z zakresu marketingu politycznego w trakcie prowadzenia kampanii wyborczych przez kandydatów, którzy nie są zaliczani do grona faworytów. Zbadano wpływ działań marketingowych na wynik wyborów (określenie kierunku i siły zależności wspomnianych dwóch zmiennych). Postawiono robocze pytanie: w jakim stopniu za sukces wyborczy kandydatów niszowych (lub porażkę) odpowiada skuteczne posługiwanie się narzędziami marketingu politycznego, a w jakim stopniu decydują o tym inne czynniki? Analizę wykonano, badając sposoby prowadzenia kampanii wyborczych wybranych kandydatów na prezydentów w różnym czasie (lata 1990–2015). Badanie przeprowadzono na podstawie przeglądu kluczowych elementów marketingu politycznego: strategii wyborczych, wyników sondażowych, kreacji wizerunku medialnego, politycznego public relations. Podjęto próbę określenia, które z tych narzędzi (jego wykorzystanie) przynosi najlepsze rezultaty. Dla lepszego porównania i transparentności wyników badań, wszyscy kandydaci zostali wybrani z grona osób nieuznawanych za faworytów (niszowych, spoza głównego nurtu).
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