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1

Dekret sierpniowy PKWN z 1944 roku jako instrument legalizacji władzy komunistycznej w Polsce

100%
Birt M.
Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem
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2019
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vol. 41
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issue 4
65-85
EN
The aim of this study is to present the key assumptions and practices of the August Decree of 31 August 1944 of the Polish Committee of National Liberation (PKWN). It is important to show how the Decree was an instrument for the settlement of Nazi crimes in Poland, and to what extent a tool to defeat the opponents of communist rule in Poland. The most important goal of the work is to show how instrumental treatment of the law served the legitimization of power: unwanted, deprived of broader social support, based solely on the violence and military strength of the Soviet Union. Principles and legal regulations of the Decree will be discussed as well as its practical application in the jurisprudence of special and common courts.
2
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Persecution of the Czech Minority in Ukraine at the Time of the Great Purge

100%
Borák M.
Central European Papers
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2017
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vol. 5
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issue 1
8–29
EN
In its introduction, the study recalls the course of Czech emigration to Ukraine and the formation of the local Czech minority from the mid-19th century until the end of 1930s. Afterwards, it depicts the course of political persecution of the Czechs from the civil war to the mid-1930s and mentions the changes in Soviet national policy. It characterizes the course of the Great Purge in the years 1937–1938 on a national scale and its particularities in Ukraine, describes the genesis of the repressive mechanisms and their activities. In this context, it is focused on the NKVD’s national operations and the repression of the Czechs assigned to the Polish NKVD operation in the early spring of 1938. It analyses the illegal executions of more than 660 victims, which was roughly half of all Czechs and Czechoslovak citizens executed for political reasons in the former Soviet Union, both from time and territorial point of view, including the national or social-professional structure of the executed, roughly compared to Moscow. The general conclusions are illustrated on examples of repressive actions and their victims from the Kiev region, especially from Kiev, and Mykolajivka community, not far from the centre of the Vinnycko area, the most famous centre of Czech colonization in eastern Podolia. In detail, it analyses the most repressive action against the Czechs in Ukraine which took place in Zhytomyr where on 28 September 1938, eighty alleged conspirators were shot dead, including seventy-eight Czechs. In this case, fabricated and produced directly in the Zhytomyr Oblast Administration Office of the NKVD, there are clarified the terrorist methods of interrogation and torture of victims, arranged false accusation, which could not been got away, as well as the systematic lying of the authorities on the fate of the victims, which continued after their rehabilitation in 1958, and ended half a century after the executions took place.
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Reakcje dzieci na internowanie ojców – działaczy Solidarności

100%
Braun-Gałkowska M., Giera J.
Roczniki Psychologiczne
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2006
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vol. 9
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issue 1
141-158
PL
Przedstawione w artykule badania ukazują przeżycia dzieci, których ojcowie byli internowani po wprowadzeniu stanu wojennego w grudniu 1981. Takich dzieci było w Polsce około 20 tysięcy. Badania były przeprowadzone wśród 30 matek, które opowiedziały o reakcjach 54 dzieci w wieku od 1 do 18 lat. Matki opowiedziały o zmianach w zachowaniu dzieci, a to, co wyraziły dzieci w testach projekcyjnych, było zgodne z relacjami matek. Dzieci, niezależnie od wieku, zareagowały tęsknotą za ojcem, a jednocześnie poczuciem zagrożenia, podwyższonym poziomem niepokoju i lękiem, który wyrażał się pragnieniem spania z matką i ciągłego przebywania z nią. Lękiem spowodowane były liczne objawy psychosomatyczne i spadek ogólnej odporności organizmu. U dzieci młodszych w większości wypadków nastąpiła regresja w czynnościach samoobsługowych, zakłócenie snu, lęk przed ciemnością, zrywanie się z krzykiem, zaburzenie nastroju, grymasy i płaczliwość. U dzieci starszych również znacznie wzrósł niepokój, ale wystąpiły także inne zmiany. Ich lęk był bardziej konkretny (strach przed milicjantami, przed koniecznością emigracji), ale jednocześnie okazywały dumę z ojca i w wielu wypadkach starały się przejmować niektóre jego role, opiekować się matką i młodszym rodzeństwem. Niektóre z opisywanych wyżej zachowań dzieci są podobne do tych, które występują w innych sytuacjach separacji od ojca, ale łącznie zaobserwowane zmiany stanowią syndrom osobny.
EN
The tests show what children experienced during the time their fathers were interned under martial law in December 1981. Such children numbered in Poland ca. 20.000. The tests were conducted among 30 mothers who talked about the reactions of 54 children aged 1 to 18. They reported on the changes in their children's behaviour. What their children said in projective tests was coherent with mothers' reports. The children, irrespective of their age, yearned after their fathers. At the same time they lived under threat, manifested a heightened level of anxiety and fear. Therefore they wanted to sleep with their mothers and be always close to them. Their fear was associated with numerous psychosomatic symptoms and a fall of general immunity. In younger children there was in most cases a regression in self-service activities, their sleeping patterns were disturbed, they were afraid of darkness, often woke up and screamed, disturbance of mood, grimaces, and weepiness. In older children their anxiety considerably increased, but at the same time there were other changes. Their fear was more concrete (fear of militiamen, fear of necessity of emigration). At the same time they were proud of their fathers, and in many cases sought to take on some roles, took care of their mothers or younger brothers and sisters. Some of the reported patterns of behaviour were similar to those in other situations when children are separated from their fathers, but in total the changes in question constitute a different syndrome.
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Реализация антицерковной политики советской власти в 1920-1930-е годы на Гомельщине

88%
Грищенко И.
Doctrina. Studia społeczno-polityczne
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2019
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vol. 16
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issue 16
PL
The article presents the characteristics of the main directions of anti-church policy of the Soviet power in the 1920-1930s. Base on archival material in the Gomel region, the authors showed the reaction of worker-peasant medium on Bolshevik policy against the church. The analysis results of the confrontation of believers and atheist state.
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The Lemkos’ Great War: Wartime Experiences of the Lemko People, 1914–18

63%
Szlanta P.
Acta Poloniae Historica
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2016
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vol. 113
EN
The First World War imposed a severe stigma on the Lemko people, the Ruthenian mountaineers residing on the northern mountainside of the Carpathians. Military operations, political repressions, malnutrition, and epidemics of contagious diseases caused severe damages and losses in the population and materials. In the late 1914 and early 1915, the front-line was set through the Lemko Land. The area’s eastern part was occupied for several months by the Russians. The occupational authorities planned to annex the area after the war, as they recognised the Lemkos as part of the Russian nation. On the other hand, the Lemko people were generally treated by the Austro-Hungarian authorities with suspicion, as allegedly favouring Russia. They were accused of sabotage and collaboration with the occupiers. Many a Lemko was executed, often without any proof of guilt whatsoever. Some 2,000 were sent to an internment camp in Thalerhof, not far from Graz. The war facilitated the split among the Lemkos into those who considered themselves members of a Ukrainian nation and those who recognised themselves as a separate ethnic group.
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Cenzura wobec Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego 1944-1989

63%
Sawicki J. Z.
Roczniki Humanistyczne
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2018
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vol. 66
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issue 2: Historia. Zeszyt specjalny
159-180
PL
Polityka władz PRL wobec Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego była emanacją stosunku komunistów do Kościoła katolickiego posiadającego w Polsce ugruntowany od wieków autorytet. Kiedy władza decydowała się na nasilenie konfliktu z Kościołem, miała wiele możliwości oddziaływania także na jedyną katolicką uczelnię, a tym samym wpływania na jej aktywność oraz oblicze. Na poziomie szykan i represji, jeżeli odrzucimy ostateczność, tj. zamknięcie uczelni, miała do dyspozycji zarówno jawne mechanizmy nacisku, jak i możliwość prowadzenia tajnych, zakulisowych działań. I skwapliwie korzystała z obu tych sposobów. Wpływała na ograniczenie dopływu środków, podcinając płynność finansową uczelni; stawiała bariery na poziomie rekrutacji; zmuszała do zamknięcia niewygodnych kierunków i nie wydawała zgody lub utrudniała tworzenie nowych; wpływała na odebranie uprawnień do przeprowadzania przewodów doktorskich i habilitacyjnych; sankcjonowała rozpracowanie przez służby specjalne środowiska akademickiego, inwigilację studentów oraz pracowników uczelni, w skrajnych przypadkach doprowadzając do relegowania albo nieprzedłużania umowy o pracę. Cenzura ze swoimi działaniami znakomicie wpisywała się w ten ciąg szykan, ograniczając dostęp do myśli, a w niektórych wypadkach wręcz wpływając na uniemożliwienie przekazu czy to przez niedopuszczenie do publicznej wypowiedzi, czy np. wstrzymanie publikacji, rzadziej konfiskatę gotowego druku. Z reguły posługiwano się ingerencją w celu eliminacji fragmentów tekstu lub dokonywano zmian konkretnych sformułowań. Mówiąc o działalności cenzury, dotykamy wyłącznie skutków decyzji politycznych, które zapadały w innym miejscu. Należy zatem pamiętać, kto w ówczesnej rzeczywistości tak naprawdę sterował treściami przekazu, a więc o roli Polskiej Partii Robotniczej, a później Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej w tworzeniu rzeczywistości peerelowskiej oraz w kreowaniu obrazu świata. Cenzura miała tu rolę wyłącznie pomocniczą obrony interesów tej jednej partii, stanowiąc ostatnią blokadę niezależnej myśli i słowa.
EN
The Politics of the People’s Republic of Poland towards the Catholic University of Lublin was an emanation of the communists’ attitude to the Catholic Church, which had established authority in Poland for centuries. When the communists’ authorities decided to exacerbate the conflict with the Church, it had many opportunities to influence the only Catholic school, thus influencing its activity and face. At the level of persecution and repression, if we reject the last resort, ie the closure of an institution, it has at its disposal both explicit pressure mechanisms and the ability to conduct secret, behind-the-scenes activities. And eagerly used both of these ways. Influenced the limitation of inflows by undercutting the financial liquidity of the university; Set barriers to recruitment; Forced to close uncomfortable directions and did not allow or hinder the creation of new ones; Affected the withdrawal of the right to conduct doctoral dissertations and habilitation; It sanctioned the dissemination by the special services of the academic community, the surveillance of students and university staff, in extreme cases leading to relegation or renewal of the employment contract. Censorship with its actions was a perfect fit in this harassment, limiting access to thought and, in some cases, even by affecting the transmission, whether by refraining from publication or, As a rule, interventions were used to eliminate parts of the text, or to make specific changes to the wording. Speaking of censorship, we only touch the effects of political decisions that have taken place elsewhere. One should therefore remember who in the real world really controlled the content of the message, ie the role of the PPR and later the PZPR in creating the Peerelian reality and in creating the image of the world. Censorship was solely an auxiliary role, defending the interests of this single party, constituting the last block of independent thought and words.
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Jan Kozłowski przed sądem PRL. Przyczynek do badań nad wykorzystaniem postępowania karnego jako narzędzia represji politycznych wobec działaczy opozycji w latach siedemdziesiątych

63%
Choma-Jusińska M.
Aparat Represji w Polsce Ludowej 1944–1989
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2023
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issue 21
607-625
EN
In the 1970s, the burden of fighting the openly organised opposition fell on the security apparatus, though in special circumstances the authorities also resorted to criminal law and sanctions in attacking this opposition. The trials of Jan Kozłowski, an activist in the independent peasant movement, are a good illustration of the fact that it was possible to harass a political opponent at any stage of criminal proceedings.
PL
W latach siedemdziesiątych XX w. ciężar walki z jawną zorganizowaną opozycją spoczywał na aparacie bezpieczeństwa, w szczególnych okolicznościach władza jednak sięgała także po sankcje karne. Procesy Jana Kozłowskiego, działacza niezależnego ruchu chłopskiego, stanowią dobrą ilustrację tego, że na każdym etapie postępowania karnego możliwe było szykanowanie przeciwnika politycznego.
8
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Боротьба комуністичної влади з дисидентами в Україні (1987–1989 рр.)

51%
Demianczuk W.
Komunizm: system – ludzie - dokumentacja
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2015
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issue 4
225-236
EN
The article analyzes the socio-political activity of Ukrainian dissidents in 1987-1989 and the struggle against them led by the Communist Party of Ukraine. Presents the anti-Soviet nature of their activities in the eyes of authority. In particular, the article shows their political actions which had a broad social resonance.
9
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Radzieckie organy bezpieczeństwa państwowego na Ukrainie: czerwiec–grudzień 1941 roku. Zarys problematyki

51%
Baran W.
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
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2017
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issue 30
227-267
EN
The article presents the outline of the activities undertaken by the Soviet state security services in Ukraine between June and December 1941. The author analyses different aspects of the operation of Soviet security services in the initial period of the German-Soviet war, in particular: the first organizational initiatives taken by the KGB USSR, the control of correspondence and public moods, the observation of refugees and establishment of evacuation points, the struggle against the enemy’s parachute operations and establishment of deadly battalions, the deportation of prisoners to the east of the country and executions in prisons in the western oblasts of the USSR, the fight against desertion and spreading panic at the rear, repression against the so-called anti-soviet and suspicious element, the mass deportations of citizens on ethnic grounds, the creation of subversive and reconnaissance groups as well as merging underground and guerrilla movements in the occupied territories. Several characteristic documents from the archives of the Soviet state security services are annexed to this article.
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