Search results - CEJSH

1

Pamięć wyzwolona, pamięć zniewolona Kultura historyczna w procesie transformacji

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Wolff‑Powęska A.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2017

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issue 47

7-21

EN

The democratic breakthrough in Poland and in other Central‑European countries led to a process of liberation and transformation of public memory. Societies, whose memory had been ‘occupied’ for decades, focused on debating the problem of identity with the fervour of neophytes. They discussed their origins and their destiny. Poland, a country that survived two occupations at the same time, is settling with the past, which has far reaching consequences both for its own self‑awareness and for its attitude towards the neighbours. However, memory freed of censorship and pressure of a single ideology becomes easily enslaved in the face of another ideology. Thus, the historical culture of Poland that is developing in the age of globalisation and numerous international challenges, is full of contradictions and questions that cannot be easily answered.

2

Why do Political Parties Fail?

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Wincławska M.

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

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2013

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vol. 40

9-18

PL

Autorka podejmuje próbę przedstawienia analitycznych ram dla badania generalnych przyczyn upadku partii politycznych w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej. Przyczyny upadku partii podzielone są na te związane bezpośrednio ze zjawiskiem instytucjonalizacji partii, które są w dużym stopniu zależne od ugrupowania, na przyczyny zewnętrzne niezależne od partii.

EN

An analytical Framework to identify the general causes of party decline and collapse in Eastern and Central Europe is developed in this article. The causes of a parties failure are divided into those connected with its institutionalization (internal and external) and those independent of the party.

3

Zasady prawa rolnego – stabilizacja czy ewolucja?

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Czechowski P.

Studia Iuridica Agraria

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2011

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vol. 9

107-114

EN

It has been more than thirty years since, in the pages of “Państwo i Prawo” (State and Law), together with Professor Andrzej Stelmachowski, who is not with us anymore, we formulated the principles of agricultural law for the young, developing discipline of Juridical Science, i.e. for the agricultural law. Dynamic development of the agricultural law in the previous political formation (also continued in the free–market economy) required the formulation of specific guiding principles of this discipline of Juridical Science. The passage of time, the political transformation that took place in Poland after 1989 as well as Poland’s membership in the European Union require verification of the formulated principles of agricultural law. Existing agricultural law as well as the legislation of the European Union and national legislation allow the formulation of new principles of agricultural law and ranking them according to the importance of legal regulation. They include: 1. The principle of intervention impact on agriculture and rural areas by the European Union and nation states in accordance with the objective of the EU Common Agricultural Policy. 2. The principle of productivity including the stimulation of technical and agricultural as well as biological progress by the state. 3. The principle of protection of the productivity of land within the frameworks of the protection of natural resources in conjunction with development of spatial rural areas. 4. The principle of protection of the farm as a farmer’s workshop and of the protection of other forms of land management.

4

The participation of women in politics. Deliberations on the gender parity bill

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Marszałek-Kawa J.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2011

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vol. 40

82-109

EN

Male politicians are becoming increasingly aware of the fact that women have great power. Girls account for 50% of the population of school students. Women seem to be much better at handling the financial crisis than men. The recession primarily aftected the masculine part of business – widespread layoffs hit typically male industries, such as cars, tobacco, financial services. In the U.S., men account for 80% of people who lost jobs as the result of the recent crisis. Moreover, it is women that make most decisions relating to household expenses. They are also more inclined to save up for future. They typically spend money on things like education, healthcare, food and cosmetics. They also invest in their children’s future. At present, women have about $10.5 trillion at their disposal, while men have approximately $23.4 trillion. However, this disproportion is still getting smaller. The past decade saw the distance between these two worlds constantly diminish. Women control $12 trillion out of $18.4 trillion spent by consumers every year. Moreover, the increasing number of working women – as Michael J. Silverstein points – means that their income is increasing.

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From undivided state power to the system of deconcentrated and decentralised state power. The political transformation of Poland

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Lutrzykowski A.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2011

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vol. 40

28-42

EN

This paper is not an attempt to present the process of political changes that occurred in Poland after the end of the Second World War. Its aim is to indicate and explain the characteristics of the process of political change which after 1945 turned Poland into a totalitarian socialist state, and from 1989 led to the construction of the democratic state. The fate of Poland and other Eastern European countries was decided by the strategic interests of the great powers. The memory of the victims of war and democratic axiology gave way to the calculations and domination of force. Many nations were deprived of subjectivity and the possibility of sovereign choice in their future development. In Poland the place of the sovereign nation had been taken by a small group of politicians who became the plenipotentiaries of the Soviet leadership. The creation of the totalitarian system was an essential precondition for the implementation of the Stalinist model of society entirely dominated by the Communist Party, the state described as socialist, and its apparatus of repression. The rule over the nation, although it was called the dictatorship of the proletariat, was a dictatorship over the enslaved society. Only the gradual erosion and finally the collapse of the centre of communist world, created in this part of Europe the possibility to choose freely the model of collective life. The victory of the Polish Solidarity and the fall of Berlin Wall alike symbolize the overcoming the post-Yalta order and the return of these nations to the European, democratic idea of social order. After 1989 the political solutions in which power is protecting the needs, interests and aspirations of each individual as well as the common good, considered the summum bonnum, were chosen. This power is by its very nature decentralised.

6

Transformations in the Ownership of The Szczecin and Świnoujście Seaports Authority between 1991 and 2000

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Kamola-Cieślik M.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2011

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vol. 40

274-286

EN

Transformations in the ownership of state owned companies in Poland a! er 1989 played a pivotal role in the general political transformation which took place in Poland at that time. Those ownership changes were an essential element of the political transformation of Poland. The process of transforming the country’s economy from central economic planning to free market economy was started by Tadeusz Mazowiecki’s government. On October 9, 1989, the Council of Ministers accepted a document Guidelines and Directions of Poland’s Economic Policy which aimed at stabilizing the country’s economy and at transforming its economic system. " e stabilization programme was supposed to be implemented by January, 1990.3 " e second stage of the governmental plan was planned for the years 1990–1991 and one of its main tenets was a transformation of ownership rights. Krzysztof Lis, the government’s plenipotentiary for ownership transformation, was responsible for the organization and legislation of the process of privatizing Polish economy. T. Mazowiecki’s cabinet prepared both a draft for the new amendment of the legal act concerning state owned companies and a dra! of a new act about privatizing state owned companies.

7

Book Review: “Syndrome of a Peacock and a Parrot. 20 years of Political Transformation in Poland” [Syndrom pawia i papugi. 20 lat transformacji ustrojowej Polski], ed. Marek Sokołowski, Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń 2010, pp. 264

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Kamola-Cieślik M.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2011

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vol. 40

333-337

EN

In Poland’s most recent history, year 2009 was a time to celebrate a special anniversary. Twenty years ago, events that started a political transformation in Poland took place. They were connected with the Round Table Talks, elections to the so-called Contract Sejm and the fact that Tadeusz Mazowiecki became the Prime Minister. In 2009 Poland also celebrated 70th anniversary of II World War, 10th anniversary of its admission to NATO and 5th anniversary of joining the European Union. The celebrations of these events involved exhibitions, conferences and scientific seminars. Articles were written and television networks broadcast interviews and documentaries about the recent historical events that happened in Poland’s history.

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Participation of the Presidents Wojciech Jaruzelski and Lech Wałęsa in the Process of Cabinet Formation in Poland

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Leszczyńska K.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2011

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vol. 40

43-65

EN

From this short, synthetic review of participation of Presidents in cabinet formation in 1989 – 1995 results that W. Jaruzelski was fully loyal towards processes of democratic changes in Poland. The position of the first, in the history of third RP, head of state was weakened by fiasco of C. Kiszczak mission of government formation; the politician indicated by the President appeared ineffective. But W. Jaruzelski accepted C. Kiszczak failure with dignity and he engaged himself in the process of formation of T. Mazowiecki cabinet although he had constitutional instruments to block it. “President Jaruzelski, Siwicki (Ministry of Defence) and I spread a protective umbrella over this Cabinet against »hardliners« in Poland and abroad.”. L. Wałęsa, benefiting from social consent, very actively took part in the process of formation of solidarity cabinets both before and after he became the head of state. He, with the substantive help of his closest and most trusted associate – prof Lech Falandysz – forced through a favourable for himself interpretation of art 61 of Small Constitution. Because of this, ministers from MoD, MIA, MFA in Pawlak and Oleksy’s Cabinets were appointed by the head of state. It should be stressed that L. Wałęsa helped to promote two prominent politicians: J.K Bielecki and W. Pawlak.

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Profesor Halina Taborska w Pułtusku, czyli ostatni inteligencki „zajazd” na Mazowszu

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Wojciechowski J. S.

Przegląd Historyczno-Oświatowy

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2021

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vol. LXIV

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issue 3-4

96-106

EN

Aim: The article seeks to document an episode from the history of Prof. Halina Taborska’s many academic achievements, namely the Institute of European Culture at the Higher School of Humanities (later the Academy of Humanities) in Pułtusk, from the perspective of management sciences in the field of humanities. Methods: The article is an autoetnographic paper in which documents from the author’s private archives were analyzed. As the Deputy Director of the Institute, he was both the originator of and the witness to the events described. Results: We get a picture of a specific area of the educational practice in Mazovia in the years 1999–2006. We witness the efforts undertaken by Prof. Taborska, the Institute Director, to build a high-quality academic institution of an international reach where education was provided in the field of applied cultural studies by combining didactics with research, seminars, conferences and exhibition activities. Conclusions: An insight into a little-known fact from the history of the formation of non-state academic education outside the main educational centers in Poland after 1989. It proves it was possible to establish – in a completely new organizational environment and in the country – an institution having an international reach. It operated thanks to the efforts of a teaching personality which grew looking up to strong and intelligentsia role models.

10

The Arab Uprisings in Historical Perspective

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Zdanowski J.

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2014

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vol. 29

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issue 1

79-99

EN

At the turn of 2011, turbulent events occurred in the Middle East. Initially, these protests were a form of civil disobedience, but the situation later developed in several directions. In Tunisia and Egypt, the authorities finally gave in to the growing protests. In Jordan, Algeria, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, Mauritania, Sudan and Oman, the authorities managed to convince the public that they would meet their needs. The authorities in Syria, Libya, Yemen and Bahrain took the harshest positions. In Tunisia and Egypt free elections were conducted, and these countries have started to build a democratic system. This experiment, however, was interrupted in Egypt on July 3, 2013 by the intervention of the army. Can one assume that the Arab Spring is now a closed chapter in the history of the Middle East? This article refers to the sources of the Arab Spring and demonstrates its importance for the future of the region.

11

Instytucja Ombudsmana jako czynnik demokratyzacji systemów państwowych w krajach Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej i Południowej

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Kowalska M.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2014

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issue 2

167-182

EN

The functioning of many organs which aim to ensure the rule of law is standard in democratic countries. One of them is the institution of the ombudsman, which has become significant in both those countries with strong democratic systems and emerging democracies. The most important features of this institution are independence, easy access, reliability and flexibility. Nowadays, it functions in approximately 100 countries and it is estimated that this number will increase in the near future. There has been a European ombudsman in the European Union since 1995, and the Council of Europe appointed a Human Rights Commissioner in 1999. In West European countries, the process of creating the office of the ombudsman was particularly intensive after the Second World War, as a result of their experience of totalitarianism. This process could also be observed in Central-Eastern and Southern Europe during the political transformations of the 1990s. It was a symbol of the transformation and democratization of those countries. Poland can be safely assumed to have been a forerunner in the process in this region.

PL

Standardem we współczesnych państwach demokratycznych stało się jednoczesne funkcjonowanie wielu organów mających na celu zapewnienie przestrzegania prawa. Jednym z nich pozostaje instytucja Ombudsmana, która zyskała na znaczeniu w wielu krajach świata zarówno o ustabilizowanej, jak i odradzającej się demokracji. Za główne cechy tej instytucji uznaje się niezależność Ombudsmana od innych organów, łatwość dostępu do niego, a także wiarygodność i elastyczność działania. Dzisiaj funkcjonuje ona w ponad 100 krajach i wciąż widać tendencję wzrostową. Nawet w ramach Unii Europejskiej od 1995 r. działa Ombudsman Europejski, a Rada Europy od 1999 r. powołuje Komisarza do spraw Praw Człowieka. W państwach Europy Zachodniej proces tworzenia urzędów ombudsmańskich szczególnie intensywnie przebiegał po II wojnie światowej, co spowodowane było m.in. wzrostem zainteresowania ówczesnych społeczeństw ochroną praw człowieka w związku z przebytymi doświadczeniami „brunatnego” i „czerwonego” totalitaryzmu. Natomiast w ramach transformacji ustrojowych zapoczątkowanych w latach dziewięćdziesiątych, proces ten zaczął dotyczyć również bloku państw Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej i Południowej. W przypadku bloku tych państw wprowadzanie instytucji ombudsmańskich do porządku konstytucyjnego poczytuje się jako część procesu transformacji ustrojowej i ich demokratyzacji. Warto przy tym podkreślić, że wśród tych krajów Polska należała do prekursorów w tym względzie.

12

ANATOMIA POSTTOTALITARYZMU

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Michał Kwiecień M. K.

Porównania

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2019

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vol. 24

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issue 1

257-261

EN

The purpose of this article is to critically analyze the main theses of Aviezer Tucker’s book The Legacies of Totalitarianism. A Theoretical Framework. Tucker’s views on the political transformation in Central and Eastern Europe are confronted with conclusions of Janine J. Wedel, Andrzej Zybertowicz and Krzysztof Brzechczyn.

PL

Celem niniejszego artykułu jest krytyczna analiza głównych tez książki Aviezera Tuckera The Legacies of Totalitarianism. A Theoretical Framework. Poglądy Tuckera na transformację ustrojową w Europie Środkowej i Wschodniej autor konfrontuje ze stanowiskami Janine J. Wedel, Andrzeja Zybertowicza i Krzysztofa Brzechczyna.

13

Obywatel w demokratycznym państwie prawa. Ewolucja statusu jednostki z równością w tle

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Hrehorowicz A.

Kultura i Edukacja

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2014

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issue 4(104)

120-133

EN

This text is an attempt to subjectively consider of the issue of equality, on the topic of which Ryszard Borowicz in 1988 wrote a monograph entitled “Równość i sprawiedliwość społeczna” [Equality and Social Justice]. The author, referring to a historical and legal overview of the notion of the citizen, tries to suggest that it is the political system that determines the status of its citizens. What is more, it also determines not only their legal situation but also the scope of their subjective rights, freedoms and obligations. The general principles enshrined in the constitution are the means that the legislator uses to show the citizens which values he considers the most important and which are intended to guide social change. The main goal of the authors’ deliberations is to signal the need to continue research on equality, especially given that the notion of equality should be considered from a wider perspective, for example taking into account the change of the political and legal system.

14

Komunistyczna Partia Litwy w latach przełomu 1988–1990

88%

Wołkonowski J.

Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość

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2019

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issue 33

211-229

PL

K omunistyczna Partia Litwy w latach 1988–1990 przeszła transformację od partii mar- ksistowsko-leninowskiej do klasycznej socjaldemokratycznej formacji noszącej nazwę Litewska Demokratyczna Partia Pracy. Potrafiła wykorzystać idee pierestrojki Michaiła Gorbaczowa do osiągnięcia swych celów. W szeregach partii było kilku doświadczo- nych polityków (Algirdas Brazauskas, Česlovas Juršėnas i inni), którzy przeprowadzili ją przez skomplikowany okres transformacji polityczno-gospodarczej. Jak trudny i nie- bezpieczny on był, pokazały tragiczne wydarzenia z 13 stycznia 1991 r., w których na skutek akcji żołnierzy sowieckich zginęło 14 cywilów. Jesienią 1992 r. LDDP odniosła ogromny sukces w wyborach do sejmu, uzyskując ponad połowę mandatów. Jej przewod- niczący Algirdas Brazauskas został wybrany na prezydenta Litwy. Formacja miała swych przedstawicieli we wszystkich kadencjach Sejmu Litwy jeszcze po 1990 r. Pomimo tych sukcesów Sejm Litwy w czerwcu 2017 r. większością głosów przyjął rezolucję uznającą KPL za organizację przestępczą. Drugi odłam KPL, opowiadający się za pozostaniem w łonie KPZR, już po wydarzeniach z 13 stycznia 1991 r. został oskarżony o działania na rzecz obalenia niepodległości Litwy, uznany za nielegalny i skierowany przeciw kra- jowi, a jego czołowi przedstawiciele skazani na długoletnie więzienie.

EN

I n the years 1988–1990, the Communist Party of Lithuania transformed from a Marxist- -Leninist party to a classic social democratic formation called the Democratic Labour Party of Lithuania. It could take advantage of Mikhail Gorbachev’s Perestroika ideas in order to achieve its own goals. The party had several experienced politicians (Algirdas Brazauskas, Česlovas Juršėnas and others) who led it during the complex political and economic transformation. The tragic events of 13 January 1991, during which 14 civi- lians were killed by Soviet soldiers, depicted how tragic and dangerous this period was. In autumn 1992, the Democratic Labour Party of Lithuania recorded a huge success in the parliamentary elections by winning over a half the mandates. Its leader Algirdas Brazauskas was elected the president of Lithuania. The formation had its representatives during all terms of offices of the Lithuanian Sejm still after 1990. Irrespective of the suc - cessful trajectory, the Lithuanian Sejm passed a resolution in June 2017 by a majority of votes and found the Communist Party of Lithuania a criminal organization. After the events of 13 January 1991, another faction of the Communist Party of Lithuania on the platform of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was accused of acting in order to overturn Lithuania’s independence, found to be illegal and against the country’s inte- rests, while its leaders were sentenced to many years of imprisonment.

15

Changes in population density of the urban population in southern Poland in the period 1950-2011 against the background of political and economic transformation

88%

Jażdżewska I.

Miscellanea Geographica. Regional Studies on Development

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2017

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vol. 21

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issue 3

EN

This paper presents the changes in urban population density in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries in an area of approximately 20,000 km2 in southern Poland, which includes close to 100 towns and cities with a population of almost 4.5 million (in 2011) and an urbanisation index over 70%. It is the most urbanised part of Poland and includes the Cracow agglomeration and the Upper Silesian conurbation. The analysis was performed using one of the statistical methods for estimating discrete distributions, the kernel function method. The conclusions served as a basis for the presentation of changes occurring in this area against the backdrop of political and economic transformation in Poland, as well as a scientific discussion concerning the state and future of the merging of these agglomerations in the light of the factors discussed.

16

The Uncompleted Revolution? The Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia in the Post–Communist Reality

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Czyżniewski M.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2016

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vol. 45

60-72

EN

The change of the political regime in Czechoslovakia, called the Velvet Revolution, is considered as a success story of transformation after 1989. However, in nowadays Czech Republic, the Communist Party still exists – this is the only such case among democratic countries of Central Europe. It makes us ask the question: is the Velvet Revolution completed? The author treats the activities of the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia as a criterion for the assessment of changes in the Czech Republic after 1989 and wonders how strong for the assessment of the transformation influences the relics of the former regime. He stresses that transformation in the Czech Republic can’t be assessed on a comparative scale, because pace and effects of changes were different in different countries, as different was the nature of the previous regimes. The author concludes that the existence of the Communist Party is the natural element of contemporary political reality of the Czech Republic, which negates the achievements of transformation in no way.

17

Omnipotence of the Russian Federation in the European part of the post-Soviet area

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Kwietniewski K.

Wschodnioznawstwo

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2018

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issue 12

205-213

EN

The following article deals with the issue of the influence of the Russian Federation on countries located in the European part of the post-Soviet area. Due to the diversity of vectors of Russia’s influence, from which article indicates the four most important: economic, military, related to the Russian minority and frozen conflicts. The article answers the question about the omnipotence of the Russian Federation in the European part of the post-Soviet area, which subsequent stages of the evolution of internal and external policy led to the stabilization and in consequents rebirth of neo-imperial tendencies towards the so-called „Close abroad”. It draw the genesis of the argument from the historical premises of the USSR and the 1990s, as well as the existing links between the former republics of the USSR and Moscow as the center. The article was created using the research desk method on the basis of government documents, the latest studies of that topic, analyzes of leading think-thanks, as well as documents and press releases.

18

The Soviet Model of Modernity and Russia’s Post-communist Political Transformation

88%

Maslovskii M.

Historická sociologie (Historical Sociology)

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2015

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vol. 2

45-60

EN

The article discusses political processes in post-Soviet Russia from the perspective of the multiple modernities theory. A study of Russia’s political transformation on the basis of this approach allows us to reconsider the obstacles to democratization that existed in the 1990s and the socio-cultural preconditions for de-democratization in the 2000s. The author draws on Johann Arnason’s analysis of the Soviet model of modernity. From this perspective the Soviet model possessed only some civilizational traits and did not lead to a sustainable civilizational pattern. Nevertheless, remnants of that model and the imperial legacy of the Soviet period influenced Russian politics of the last two decades. The dynamics of democratization and de-democratization in Russia represent a case of path dependency which is both post-communist and post-imperial.

19

Hybrid Regimes and Political (Dis)Order

88%

Ficek R.

Historia i Polityka

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2023

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issue 46 (53)

49-70

EN

This paper studies the concept of “hybrid regimes”, not so much in defining and authenticating their functionality but, above all, to exhibit them as so-called “partial” constitutional concepts. Articulating the tensions, divergences, and antagonisms characteristic of these regimes, as well as highlighting the blurring boundaries between democratic systems and authoritarianism “with adjectives”, emphasizes the importance of the examined issues. The author introduces an alternative conceptualization and typology of hybrid regimes and a configurational approach. Instead of placing political regimes on a linear continuum – from authoritarianism to democracy – multidimensional solutions facilitating an alternative typology of the analyzed concepts have been exposed. The configuration approach, however, provides an analytically valuable way to evaluate and integrate hybrid regimes with other classification schemes. Such innovations, therefore, help alleviate conceptual confusion in the literature. Moreover, deepening the understanding of the concept of hybrid regimes, along with emphasizing its conceptual ambiguities and complexity – especially concerning the “politically correct” discourse on the current problems of fragile and politically unstable states – is necessary to better understand the complex and confusing nature of modern regimes of power frequently operating in the most politically unstable regions of the contemporary world.

20

Life and death of Poland’s landscape – are we living in landscape “hell”?

88%

Kistowski M.

Journal of Geography, Politics and Society

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2023

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vol. 13

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issue 4

1-12

EN

The author’s thesis assumes that the degree of landscape degradation in many parts of Poland is so high that the use of the term “landscape hell” is justified. This denotes such a state of visual and aesthetic, structural and functional landscape degradation that leads or has already led to the landscape’s death. This condition existed in many areas during the communist period, but now, 34 years after the political transformation and eight years of the development of the “mafia” state, it is also occurring with increasing frequency. Its origin lies in the attitude of some politicians and the public towards space and nature as resources that can be exploited to an extreme extent and that must be subordinated to people. This is due, among others, to the Poles’ civilizational lag in relation to many other nations, Polish society’s developmental history, and the recurring compensation for economic shortcomings. In the first quarter-century of transformation, the development of consumption, the dominance of economic development criteria, and the politicians’ ignorance and bias have introduced phenomena such as strip farm urbanisation, “concreteosis”, architectural “gigantomania”, “urban blight”, “railingeosis”, and “advertosis” into the landscape. After 2015, the above have been overlaid by the landscape-eroding activities of the representatives of the “mafia” state, resulting from, among others, excessive deforestation and tree clearing in open and urban areas, continued operation of the coal-based energy sector, including open-cast mines, river diversions, construction of hydro-technical facilities, mass legalisation of arbitrary construction, and transport infrastructure planning. The various recommendations on landscape conservation, formulated for many years, have, for the most part, not been implemented, despite Poland’s ratification of the European Landscape Convention. We can thus gradually kill off more landscape, which will continue to linger in our memories and documents for some time, until eventually, virtual reality becomes the main way of admiring it.

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