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EN
The main focus of the paper is on the container system development in the Baltic Sea Region studying cotemporary changes and organisation, as well as explaining the main driving forces of this situation. The Baltic Sea is a transport corridor between Eastern and Western Europe. Over the last decade maritime transport in the Baltic Sea area has changed significantly. The disintegration of the Soviet Union forced Russia to start developing its own Baltic ports and terminals and to find new routes to export its oil and gas. The Baltic ports have welcomed a remarkable growth, especially in oil transportation and containerised flows. The geographical configuration of the region naturally places it away from major global shipping lines. This situation is accentuated by the organisation of maritime regular lines, centred in Northern European ports. For this reason, the regional container network is mainly made up of feeder services.
EN
The authors, following an analysis of compliance of the proposal with the principle of subsidiarity, conclude that the proposed regulation does not allow for “better” fulfilment of its declared aim (to contribute to the goal of a more efficient, interconnected and sustainable functioning of the trans‑European transport network) rather than by legislating at national level. The proposal infringes the subsidiarity principle. The European Commission has not sufficiently justified the need for the proposed action. Improvement of the quality of port services and modernisation of port facilities in order to increase efficiency of operation of TEN‑T ports as well as their greater financial transparency aimed at attracting investments, can be achieved by the Member States without need for intervention from the EU.
EN
The participation of air transport in the service of Polish passenger traffic in area of tourism as well as business travels has been slight in the totality of passenger traffic. From the year 2004 Poland take a part of European Union. In that case the process of demonopolization of transportation market, connected with politics of "Open Air" has been began. Initiating changes in the service of passenger flows transformed also the structure of transportation. In result systematically increase the role of regional airports. Expansion of foreign low-cost carriers take a big part of the transformation of this market. According to prognosis of The Civil Aviation Office (CAO) and IATA, the Polish regional airports could service to over 63 millions of passengers in the year 2030. However it demend considerable investment at airoprts infrastructure and air navigation.
PL
Niniejszy artykuł dotyczy terenów poportowych miast, stanowiących przedmiot restrukturyzacji, spowodowanej postępującymi zmianami lokalizacji portów i związanej z nimi infrastruktury. Wspomniane wyżej przekształcenia prowadzą do uwolnienia części terenów i umożliwiają utworzenie tam nowych dzielnic. Tematyka ta dalece wykracza poza bazową kwestię przekształceń przestrzennych – procesy zmian dotyczą w równym stopniu zagadnień ekonomicznych i społecznych, które warunkują możliwości projektowe podmiotów odpowiedzialnych. Podejście do wody w mieście, jako elementu współtworzącego tożsamość miejsca, musi być indywidualne i wymaga uznania specyfiki danej jednostki osiedleńczej. Mimo to, każda realizacja przebiegać może według kilku podstawowych, ramowych schematów, które z kolei doprecyzować można na potrzeby konkretnej inwestycji. Projekt finansowany może być ze środków publicznych lub prywatnych, realizowany pod kontrolą władz publicznych bądź jako wynik wysiłku wielu prywatnych inwestorów. W ramach niniejszej pracy przeanalizowano cztery znane inwestycje restrukturyzacji waterfrontów – HafenCity w Hamburgu, Kop van Zuid w Rotterdamie, London Docklands oraz Bo01 City of Tomorrow w Malmö. Na bazie analizy narzędzi zastosowanych w każdym z wybranych przypadków oraz uzyskanych rezultatów podjęto próby wytypowania optymalnego schematu, wedle którego proces ten powinien być prowadzony. Podkreślono wpływ danej procedury planistycznej na możliwy efekt końcowy prac projektowych, uwzględniając przede wszystkim kwestię poziomu swobody poszczególnych wykonawców i zasięg odgórnego planowania. Zbadano, na ile stanowiąca funkcję regulującą, ogólna strategia rozwoju, ukierunkowuje realizacje wielkoskalowe na ukształtowanie spójnych kompozycyjnie i funkcjonalnie obszarów.
EN
This article concerns city waterfronts as the object of restructurization according to the ongoing changes in the harbours’ location, as well as the infrastructure related. This process leads to release of these areas and creating an opportunity to the creation of new districts. This subject exceeds the basic issue of spatial transformations –processes of changes refer to economic and social issues on the same level, which defines design capabilities of persons responsible. The approach to the water in the city, as an element collaborating the identity of a place, has to be individual and it requires the recognition of the specification of each settlement unit. Despite this fact, every realization can proceed according to a few basics, in general outline, which can be clarified for the needs of the specific investment. The project can be funded from public or private funds under control of public authorities or as a work result of many private investors. Within the limits of this article, an analysis of three well-known waterfront restructurization investments has been carried out – HafenCity in Hamburg, Kop van Zuid in Rotterdam, London Docklands and Bo01 City of Tomorrow in Malmö – and on the basis of implements used in every case study analysis and obtained results, there was an attempt to create an optimal scheme, according to which this process should be carried out. The impact of each planning procedure on the possible final effect of the work has been highlighted, including mostly the case freedom of each executor and the level of the control from above. It has been evaluated how much a strategy, that is regulating the whole process focuses the large-scale investments into areas coherent both compositionally and functionally.
EN
By referendum on 23 June 2016, voters in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland voted narrowly to leave the EU. The vote was called for party political reasons, as the ruling Conservative party was divided on the issue of continued EU membership, and the Government expected that a national pro-EU popular vote would silence those who wanted to leave. When the result turned out to be the opposite of what the Government expected, the Prime Minister resigned, despite an earlier pledge that he would abide by and implement the result. The new Prime Minister – who had voted to remain in the EU – repeated the pledge, even though the referendum had been an advisory, not a binding, one. The subsequent period has been spent in trying to achieve an agreement that minimises the adverse socio-economic consequences, to both sides, of a UK departure from the EU, prior to the declared leaving date of 29 March 2019. This paper examines likely effects of Brexit on the transport industry. It starts by explaining the meaning of Brexit, the timetable for UK exit, and some of the possible reasons why the referendum vote turned out as it did. (There has been a surprising lack of research into this subject, and none was undertaken by the UK Government in the aftermath of the vote.) The paper then considers the possible trade and commercial alternatives that the UK has to EU membership. ‘Norway’ or ‘Canada’ (or Canada Plus) arrangements were part of the internal discussion in the UK in the period after the referendum (which had not included a question on alternatives). A UK Government insistence (‘red line’) that the UK would no longer be subject to the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice, which interprets EU law, limited the options available to the UK. The possible consequences to the UK, if it leaves the EU without a mutually acceptable withdrawal agreement, are then considered. Having set the background to this possible event, the paper then looks at how it may affect the transport industry. All modes of transport, other than inland waterway transport which has no direct connection between the UK and other EU countries, are examined. In each case new agreements will be needed to avoid serious disruption in the event of a ‘no-deal’ Brexit that removes the UK from the single market and customs union, with the UK then being regarded as a third country for trade and transport links. The final part of the paper examines the likely effect of Brexit on the economies of the UK and the remainder of the EU (and hence transport demand). It finds that Ireland may be the most affected EU country, but that the economy of the remaining EU-27 as a whole will suffer as a result of Brexit. After Ireland, the UK economy will be hit hardest, and we may never know if that is a result that the ‘leave’ voters in 2016 expected or not.
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