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Rola Europejskiego Trybunału Praw Człowieka w ochronie praw ofiar konfliktów zbrojnych na obszarze poradzieckim

100%
Leszczenko L.
Przegląd Zachodni
|
2014
|
issue 4(353)
61-72
EN
The paper attempts to draw attention to the problem related to ensuring protection of the rights and freedoms of victims of armed conflicts in the post-Soviet space. To date this research problem is rather modestly represented in the Polish political science publications. Membership in the Council of Europe of six post-Soviet states (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Moldova, Russia, Ukraine) at the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries provided an opportunity for the citizens as well as temporary residents of these countries, to fully exercise their right to legal personality. Due to lack of effective national legal instruments which make it possible to seek compensation from the state for violating personal rights and freedoms, victims of armed conflicts in the post-Soviet space widely use the possibility of individual claims against the state in the European Court of Human Rights. Despite the fact that the ECHR is not considered competent in the issues of war crimes and crimes against humanity, it acts based on its competence related to the protection of fundamental rights and freedoms. The lack of interest of post-Soviet states in cooperation with the International Criminal Court is one of the reasons why in the coming years the European Court of Human Rights will remain the only inter national judicial institution with a potential of improving the condition of victims of armed conflicts in the region.
2
Content available remote

Rola Europejskiego Trybunału Praw Człowieka w ochronie praw ofiar konfliktów zbrojnych na terenie poradzieckim

100%
Leszczenko L.
Przegląd Zachodni
|
2014
|
issue 4(353)
61-72
EN
The paper attempts to draw attention to the problem related to ensuring protection of the rights and freedoms of victims of armed conflicts in the post-Soviet space. To date this research problem is rather modestly represented in the Polish political science publications. Membership in the Council of Europe of six post-Soviet states (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Moldova, Russia, Ukraine) at the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries provided an opportunity for the citizens as well as temporary residents of these countries, to fully exercise their right to legal personality. Due to lack of effective national legal instruments which make it possible to seek compensation from the state for violating personal rights and freedoms, victims of armed conflicts in the post-Soviet space widely use the possibility of individual claims against the state in the European Court of Human Rights. Despite the fact that the ECHR is not considered competent in the issues of war crimes and crimes against humanity, it acts based on its competence related to the protection of fundamental rights and freedoms. The lack of interest of post-Soviet states in cooperation with the International Criminal Court is one of the reasons why in the coming years the European Court of Human Rights will remain the only international judicial institution with a potential of improving the condition of victims of armed conflicts in the region.
3
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Literacy Change as a Result of the Education Reform: Comparison Among the Post-Soviet Countries

100%
Dudaitė J.
The New Educational Review
|
2018
|
vol. 54
17-28
EN
In 1989 – 1991, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, it was an auspicious moment for structural changes in education systems in the new independent countries, which had been under control of the Soviet government for a long time. About three decades have passed since the beginning of the education reforms in the post-Soviet countries and several generations who studied within the framework of the reformed systems starting from the first grade have already grown up. Therefore, it is relevant to estimate the results of the reforms. One of the possible measures for estimating the results of the education system or education reform is the change in population literacy within certain education systems. The purpose of the article is to compare the results of education reforms of the post-Soviet countries based on the population literacy considered as a result of former learning. The data of the Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC) organised by the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) are used for literacy comparison. The OECD PIAAC survey databases of Lithuania, Estonia, Russia, Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Slovenia were used for comparison of the results of the reforms implemented in the post-Soviet countries. Data analysis showed that at the lower and upper secondary education levels, the most positive results of the education reform were observed in Lithuania, while in Russia, the results were negative.
4
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Central Actors and Groups in Political Elite: Advantages of Network Approach

88%
Kostiuchenko T.
Polish Sociological Review
|
2011
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vol. 174
|
issue 2
195-204
EN
Studies conducted inCEEstates by a number of social and political scientists within the elite theory paradigm focus mainly on issues concerning elite circulation and recruitment, struggles between governing and non-governing (contra-) elites. Although, it is still an open question what relational structures, or networks, exist within power elites. This issue becomes even more important when ‘interest groups’ become the basis for creation of internally circulating ‘ruling class’ whose members periodically seize key positions in different institutions and collectively capture the decision-making process at the state level. In order to define how elite members co-operate, to identify central individuals and key decisionmakers, one needs to understand the structure of political elite network. This paper contains an attempt to explore political elite networks formation and functioning in Ukraine 20 years after the regime change. Main research questions are: what ties and to what extent are important for political elite members; what clusters exist within Ukrainian political elite network; to what extent the concepts of social capital and interpersonal trust can be employed to explain the formation of joint legislative initiatives. In addition, model of elite network functioning allows the depiction and verification of the role of central players taking into account their relational patterns. Sample included members of the Parliament,Government, and the Presidential Secretariat (almost 500 biographies). Biographical method and in-depth interviews were applied for collecting both quantitative and qualitative network data. Specific software enabled applying various SNA tools and procedures for hypotheses testing and network modeling.
5
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The influence of the Council of Europe and other European institutions on the media law system in post­Soviet states

63%
Richter A.
Central European Journal of Communication
|
2009
|
vol. 2
|
issue 1(2)
15-26
EN
In the post-Soviet states of today globalization is taking place predominantly to the West’s values for human rights and fundamental freedoms. This process is being driven by such interna- tional organizations as the European Union, Council of Europe and OSCE, which operate here prima- rily as human-rights protectors. Th organizations have exerted significant pressure on the authori- ties in the countries in this study, especially Azerbaijan, Armenia, Estonia, Georgia, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova and Ukraine. The media reforms that international bodies are influencing in these countries are generally leading towards a more robust model for independent journalism. The concept of free- dom of mass information is reviving, state broadcasters are being turned into public-service, and other changes are taking place.
6
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Skuteczność systemów emerytalnych w krajach postradzieckich

63%
Banaś D.
Wiadomości Statystyczne. The Polish Statistician
|
2020
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vol. 65
|
issue 9
28-47
EN
The effectiveness of a pension system depends on whether it fulfills its basic purpose, which is to provide retired people with income. International organisations recommend ensuring a minimum level of a pension, possible to determine by means of a replacement rate, which facilitates comparative analyses. The aim of the research presented in the article is to determine the effectiveness of pension systems in post-Soviet countries using the replacement rate and the dependency ratio of the pension system. The study examined 14 countries created after the collapse of the Soviet Union (excluding Turkmenistan). On the basis of the results, the analysed pension systems were ranked according to the examined features. The analysis covers the years 2007–2017 for which data were obtained from publications of the statistical institutions of each individual country. Descriptive statistics measures, indicator analysis and Spearman rank correlation were applied. The research indicates that Belarus, Estonia, Lithuania and Latvia have obtained the highest effectiveness of the pension system measured by the replacement rate, while the lowest effectiveness was observed in Georgia, Armenia and Tajikistan. On the other hand, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Azerbaijan had high values of the dependency ratio, while the lowest were noted in Ukraine, Estonia and Lithuania. A significant correlation between the replacement rate and the dependency ratio of the pension system occurred in only three of the analysed countries, namely Azerbaijan, Estonia and Moldova.
PL
Skuteczność systemu emerytalnego informuje o realizacji jego podstawowego przeznaczenia, jakim jest zapewnienie dochodu osobom w wieku poprodukcyjnym. Organizacje międzynarodowe zalecają zagwarantowanie minimalnego poziomu emerytury, który określa się przy użyciu stopy zastąpienia, co ułatwia analizy komparatywne. Celem badania przedstawionego w artykule jest określenie skuteczności systemów emerytalnych w krajach postradzieckich za pomocą stopy zastąpienia i współczynnika obciążenia systemu emerytalnego. W badaniu uwzględniono 14 krajów powstałych po upadku Związku Radzieckiego (pominięto Turkmenistan). Na podstawie uzyskanych wyników uszeregowano analizowane systemy emerytalne pod względem badanych cech. Analiza dotyczyła lat 2007–2017, a dane pochodziły z publikacji instytucji statystycznych poszczególnych krajów. Wykorzystano miary statystyki opisowej, analizę wskaźników oraz korelację rang Spearmana. Z badania wynika, że najwyższa skuteczność systemu emerytalnego mierzonego stopą zastąpienia cechowała Białoruś, Estonię, Litwę i Łotwę, najniższa zaś – Gruzję, Armenię i Tadżykistan. Z kolei wysokimi wartościami współczynnika obciążenia systemu emerytalnego charakteryzowały się Uzbekistan, Kirgistan i Azerbejdżan, a najniższymi – Ukraina, Estonia i Litwa. Istotna korelacja pomiędzy stopą zastąpienia a współczynnikiem obciążenia systemu emerytalnego istnieje w zaledwie trzech analizowanych krajach: Azerbejdżanie, Estonii i Mołdawii.
7

Obowiązki konstytucyjne w państwach postradzieckich

63%
Czachor R.
Prawo
|
2019
|
issue 327
219-229
EN
The duties, along with rights and freedoms, define the legal status of the person in the state. However, the scientific literature pays more attention to the rights and freedoms, since they are considered as more important. The following paper tackles the issue of constitutional duties in the post-Soviet republics. The investigation has both qualitative and quantitative character and presents results in a comparative way.
8
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THE POST-SOVIET EASTERN EUROPE REGION IN THE UNITED KINGDOM’S FOREIGN POLICY IN THE CONTEXT OF EUROPEAN INTEGRATION (1990s-2010s)

63%
Hrubinko A.
Міжнародні зв’язки України: наукові пошуки і знахідки
|
2019
|
issue 28
253-274
EN
The article presents the results of the study problem of formation and implementation of Eastern European policy by Great Britain in the 1990s – 2010s. The features of the European Union’s policy towards the post-Soviet countries of Eastern Europe (Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova) and the role of Great Britain in this process are shown. The author argues that Britain’s foreign policy towards the countries of Eastern Europe, in particular the post-Soviet space, developed in the context of the general policy of the West and felt strongly influenced by the Russian factor. The strategic objective of the EU’s foreign policy in the new geopolitical environment has been to ensure stability and security in Eastern Europe, the former USSR, especially in the countries near the periphery. In 2002, the UK Government initiated the creation of a European Neighborhood Policy Mechanism. However, it was controversial. The democratic revolutions in Georgia and Ukraine in 2003–2004 did not lead to a radical revision of their relations with the EU. The intensification of tensions in the relations between the European Union, certain Western powers (in particular the United Kingdom) and Russia in the second half of the 2000s contributed to a certain intensification of their policy towards the post-Soviet states. However, the British governments have moved away from leading positions in the European Union integration policy and have taken a passive role in the Eastern Partnership program by giving the initiative to Germany. Despite the important strategic role of the Eastern European region, its importance to the EU and the United Kingdom has always been underestimated. It is concluded that the underestimation of security threats in Eastern Europe, along with the common problems of the Alliance’s development, have led to its inability to guarantee security at its eastern borders without the support of the US and NATO. The result is the United Kingdom, whose government, in the face of leaving the EU and losing influence in the Central Eastern Europe region, is interested in reorienting the United States to European security issues and stepping up NATO activities in Europe. With the UK leaving the EU, only real channel for its influence on the international situation in Eastern Europe will be US-backed NATO mechanisms. The completion of the Brexit process will weaken the position of Eastern European countries in their desire to become full members of the European Union.
9
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The image of Europe and the European Union in digital media of Ukraine, Belarus, and Russia (discourse analysis 2005-2019)

51%
Steblyna N.
Przegląd Europejski
|
2021
|
vol. 3
129-146
PL
W niniejszym artykule przedstawiono wizerunek Europy i Unii Europejskiej (UE) w mediach cyfrowych na Ukrainie, Białorusi i w Rosji. Badanie zrealizowano metodą analizy dyskursu. Zbadano publikacje w niezależnych internetowych mediach Ukraińska Prawda, Nasha Niva, Lenta.ru, Novaya Gazeta w latach 2005–2019. W wyniku przeprowadzonej analizy zaobserwowano kreowanie przez media trzech obrazów Europy. Na Ukrainie w dyskursie medialnym obserwuje się silne zainteresowanie Europą jako ideą. UE i jej instytucje są często obecne w wiadomościach politycznych, ale europej- 130 Nataliia Steblyna scy politycy nie są tak popularni. Na Białorusi natomiast słowo „Europa” nie porządkuje dyskusji politycznych, jednak działania sąsiadujących z Białorusią państw członkowskich UE mogą mieć kluczowe znaczenie w tworzeniu wizerunku UE. W Rosji nie widać dużego zainteresowania Europą w dyskursie niezależnych mediów, częściej dominują tematy związane z ciągłą walką między Rosją a Zachodem. Badania potwierdziły główną hipotezę, że mechanizmy kreowania wizerunku Europy i UE w mediach krajów postsowieckich są odmienne, a specyfika dyskursu politycznego i polityka międzynarodowa państw określają ten obraz/wizerunek.
EN
The image of the EU and Europe in digital mass media of Ukraine, Belarus and Russia is studied in this article using the methodology of discourse analysis. Independent digital mass media Ukrainska Pravda, Nasha Niva, Lenta.ru, Novaya Gazeta are analysed (online publications from years 2005– 2019). Three images of Europe in the media are indicated as a result of the research. In Ukraine: a strong reliance on Europe as the idea is observed. The EU and its institutions are stably present in political news, but European politicians are not so popular. In Belarus: Europe doesn’t structure political discussions, however, efforts of the neighbouring EU Member States may be important in the image creation. In Russia: there is not much interest towards Europe, but some approaches to present constant clashes between Russia and the West are evident in digital mass media. The research has confirmed the main hypothesis, which supposed that the mechanisms of creating the image of Europe and the EU in post-Soviet countries’ mass media are different, and the specifics of political discourse, as well as the states’ international politics define the image.
10

The image of Europe and the European Union in digital media of Ukraine, Belarus, and Russia (discourse analysis 2005-2019)

51%
Steblyna N.
Przegląd Europejski
|
2021
|
issue 3(61)
129-146
EN
The image of the EU and Europe in digital mass media of Ukraine, Belarus and Russia is studied in this article using the methodology of discourse analysis. Independent digital mass media Ukrainska Pravda, Nasha Niva, Lenta.ru, Novaya Gazeta are analysed (online publications from years 2005–2019). Three images of Europe in the media are indicated as a result of the research. In Ukraine: a strong reliance on Europe as the idea is observed. The EU and its institutions are stably present in political news, but European politicians are not so popular. In Belarus: Europe doesn’t structure political discussions, however, efforts of the neighbouring EU Member States may be important in the image creation. In Russia: there is not much interest towards Europe, but some approaches to present constant clashes between Russia and the West are evident in digital mass media. The research has confirmed the main hypothesis, which supposed that the mechanisms of creating the image of Europe and the EU in post-Soviet countries’ mass media are different, and the specifics of political discourse, as well as the states’ international politics define the image.
PL
W niniejszym artykule przedstawiono wizerunek Europy i Unii Europejskiej (UE) w mediach cyfrowych na Ukrainie, Białorusi i w Rosji. Badanie zrealizowano metodą analizy dyskursu. Zbadano publikacje w niezależnych internetowych mediach Ukraińska Prawda, Nasha Niva, Lenta.ru, Novaya Gazeta w latach 2005–2019. W wyniku przeprowadzonej analizy zaobserwowano kreowanie przez media trzech obrazów Europy. Na Ukrainie w dyskursie medialnym obserwuje się silne zainteresowanie Europą jako ideą. UE i jej instytucje są często obecne w wiadomościach politycznych, ale europejscy politycy nie są tak popularni. Na Białorusi natomiast słowo „Europa” nie porządkuje dyskusji politycznych, jednak działania sąsiadujących z Białorusią państw członkowskich UE mogą mieć kluczowe znaczenie w tworzeniu wizerunku UE. W Rosji nie widać dużego zainteresowania Europą w dyskursie niezależnych mediów, częściej dominują tematy związane z ciągłą walką między Rosją a Zachodem. Badania potwierdziły główną hipotezę, że mechanizmy kreowania wizerunku Europy i UE w mediach krajów postsowieckich są odmienne, a specyfika dyskursu politycznego i polityka międzynarodowa państw określają ten obraz/wizerunek.
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