Search results

1

Już tylko „Kiler”. Kino końca postkomunizmu

100%

Piepiórka M.

Kwartalnik Filmowy

|

2019

|

issue 105-106 Kino wobec transformacji ustrojowych

69-82

PL

Autor artykułu koncentruje się na filmach, które na przełomie wieków zwiastowały załamanie się dotychczasowego sposobu reprezentacji polskiej rzeczywistości po transformacji. W latach 90. najpopularniejsze filmy reprezentowały tak zwane kino bandyckie, którego narracja była zbieżna z tym, co o zakulisowych rozgrywkach na zbiegu biznesu i polityki pisała Jadwiga Staniszkis. Socjolożka określiła lata 90. jako epokę postkomunizmu, w której wciąż rządziły osoby związane z poprzednią władzą – z tą różnicą, że na polu ekonomicznym. Pod koniec dekady ta narracja przestała mieć funkcję wyjaśniającą i zastąpiły ją inne – rozbrajające grozę postkomunizmu i pokazujące Polskę jako normalny, europejski kraj, niemający balastu komunistycznego. W artykule Piepiórka koncentruje się na filmach sensacyjnych Wojciecha Wójcika i debiucie Patryka Vegi oraz komediach bandyckich, parodiujących takie filmy, jak „Psy” czy „Młode wilki”. W ten sposób autor opisuje strategie radzenia sobie przez polskie kino z traumą postkomunizmu.

EN

The author of the article focuses on films that at the turn of the century heralded the collapse of the current way of representing Polish reality after transformation. In the 1990s, the most popular films represented the so-called bandit cinema, whose narrative coincided with what Jadwiga Staniszkis wrote about behind-the-scenes competitions at the junction of business and politics. The sociologist described the 1990s as an era of post-communism, in which people associated with the previous power still ruled – with the difference that they ruled in the economic field, and not in political one. Towards the end of the decade, this narrative ceased to have an explanatory function and was replaced by others – the disarming horror of post-communism and showing Poland as a normal European country without communist ballast. In the article, Piepiórka focuses on action films by Wojciech Wójcik and the debut of Patryk Vega and bandits comedies, parodying such films as „Pigs” or „Young Wolves”. In this manner, the author describes the strategies of coping with the trauma of post-communism by Polish cinema.

2

BOOK REVIEWS Grażyna Skąpska, From “Civil Society” to “Europe”. A Sociological Study on Constitutionalism after Communism.

80%

Winczorek J.

Polish Sociological Review

|

2012

|

vol. 177

|

issue 1

117-122

3

The End of Postcommunism? The Beginning of a Supercommunism? China’s New Perspective

80%

Lü P.

Polish Sociological Review

|

2012

|

vol. 179

|

issue 3

349-368

EN

Some scholars think that the term postcommunism is now useless because the outcomes of transition in the former state-socialist European countries have been consolidated. However, ongoing transformation in China, particularly the recent return of the influence of the state in both economic and social welfare domains, makes this country a specific model of “transition” that negates the end-ofpostcommunism thesis. I argue that even after more than two decades of moving away from the classical socialist system, postcommunism is not a redundant concept. Instead, for comparative research on EastAsia and Central and Eastern Europe, recognizing the past of actually existing socialism as well as its legacies would considerably contribute to our understanding of countries’ diverse trajectories and performances

4

European Belarus versus State Ideology: Construction of the Nation in the Belarusian Political Discourses

70%

Bekus-Goncharova N.

Polish Sociological Review

|

2008

|

vol. 163

|

issue 3

263-284

EN

Public space of the post-communist Belarus can be viewed as a public and cultural space, where the “struggle over identity” between the official and the oppositional political discourses takes place and where both discourses claim their right to be the only voice of genuine Belarusianness. Articles presents the study of the definitions of the political identity of major “collective actor” of the Belarusian political sphere-“Belarusian nation.” The image of “Belarusianness,” on which an appropriate political ideology is built upon, was obtained from the official Belarusian ideology and the oppositional political ideologies. For analytical purposes texts were selected which deal with defining the Belarusian nation, describing the national idea, designating Belarus’ civilizational orientation.

5

Problem z prze-pisaniem : Teoretyczne podstawy refleksji postkolonialnej a zagadnienie postkomunizmu

70%

Krzysztan B.

Kultura i Edukacja

|

2016

|

issue 1(111)

101-114

EN

The collapse of Eastern Bloc equivalent with disappearance of the Second World left great political and geographical sphere in the ‘vacuum of ideas’. A priori the Postcommunist space has been included into transition and transformation studies discourses. In principle following the scientific fashion whole former space of Eastern Bloc has been classified as the developing consolidating democracies with neoliberal model of economy. Futuristic presumptions from the beginning of 90s after 25 years required additional critical perspective and revision. Social facts analysis is emphasizing the mistaken and limited contexts of transitology and in parallel leads to reflection why postcolonial potential of the sphere is by postcolonial theory omitting. Paper is delivering the analyze of the significant obstacles for postcolonial rewriting of the history of postcommunist space amid others the role of Marxism, importance of experience, reductionist character of transition studies and wrong interpretation of the basic assumptions of postcolonialism. Article is aiming to describe those crucial barriers which led to the ignoring of the achievements of postcolonial critique in the analysis of cultural, social and political conditions of former Second World.

6

From Brigades to Blogs: Environmentalism Online in Slovakia 20 Years after the Velvet Revolution

61%

Snajdr E.

Sociologický časopis. Czech Sociological Review

|

2012

|

vol. 48

|

issue 3

493–508

EN

This article examines aspects of contemporary Slovak environmental activist discourse in the digital realm of blogging and cyberspace. It explores this subject by first comparing volunteer brigades and samizdat writing from the late communist period with present digital forms of environmentalism in the new millennium. Current environmental blogs are then analysed according to material, substantive, and discursive aspects as these suggest obstacles and benefits to promoting environmentalism in the wake of political transformation. In examining this issue in one Central and East European context, the paper aims to raise broader questions regarding both research on environmental behaviour and policy in post-socialist Europe as well as the relationships between culture, political consciousness and technology in an age of globalisation.

7

National Currencies and National Identities: Historical Origins and Ironies of the Neoliberal Baltic Model

61%

Norkus Z.

Kultura i Edukacja

|

2014

|

issue 6(106)

40-66

EN

During recent economic crisis 2008 – 2010, the economic policy of internal devaluation in the Baltic States earned the applause of exponents of the neoliberal orthodoxy. How to explain the choice and ability of the Baltic States to maintain the fixed exchange parity? Economists look for conventional costbenefit calculation. The paper advances culturalist NeoWeberian argument, elaborating the concept of “nation neoliberalism” of Henri Vogt and the research of Eric Helleiner on the contribution of national currencies to the modern nation building. Because of the destruction of the national Baltic States by Soviet occupation in 1940, postcommunist transformation in the Baltic States was restitutionally oriented. Hard national currency, modelled after “that old good Litas, Lats, or Kroon” of the interwar time became a central symbol of national identity along with national flag, anthem and coat of arms. This “monetization” of the Baltic identities predisposed indigenous Baltic peoples to embrace the neoliberal model of capitalism and to accept the cost of the defence of currency peg during the crisis. The success was ironically selfdefeating, as it enabled Baltic nations to join European Monetary Union, which conclusively disenchants the money by abolishing national currencies.

8

Colonialism in another Way. On the Applicability of Postcolonial Methodology for the Study of Postcommunist Europe

57%

Riabczuk M.

Porównania

|

2013

|

vol. 13

47-59

PL

Artykuł broni użyteczności podejścia postkolonialnego do studiów nad różnorakimi procesami, zachodzącymi w krajach postkomunistycznych, które przez dekady należały do zewnętrznych lub wewnętrznych części imperium sowieckiego. Artykuł wykazuje w szczególności, jak niektóre zjawiska na postsowieckiej Ukrainie mogą być lepiej zrozumiane w kontekście rosyjsko-sowieckiego kolonializmu wewnętrznego oraz jak całkowita ukraińska ambiwalencja i wyrazisty regionalizm wynikają historycznie z różnych typów kolonizacji w różnych regionach. Autor mimo wszystko nalega na czytelne uznanie istotnych ograniczeń podejścia postkolonialnego, które wynikają przede wszystkim z nieobecności czynnika rasistowskiego w sowieckim imperializmie – komponentu, który jest kluczowy dla klasycznej sytuacji (post)kolonialnej i fundamentalnie odróżnia ją od sytuacji sowieckiej w kwestii całkowitego wykluczenia/potencjalnego wykluczenia podporządkowanych narodów. W rezultacie, cała przydatność teoretyzowania postkolonialnego do analizowania postkomunistycznego świata nie powinna powstrzymywać badaczy od uznania jejjedynie częściowej i warunkowej przydatności, wymagającej ograniczeń, autorefleksji i samokontroli.

EN

The paper defends the usefulness of the postcolonial approach to the study of various processes in the postcommunist countries that belonged, for decades, to the inner and outer parts of the Soviet empire. The paper shows, in particular, how some developments in post-Soviet Ukraine can be better understood in the context of Russo-Soviet internal colonialism, and how Ukraine’s thoroughgoing ambivalence and conspicuous regionalism result historically from different types of colonization of different regions. The paper insists, nonetheless, on a clear recognition of intrinsic limitations of the postcolonial approach, determined primarily by the absence of the racist component in Soviet imperialism – the component that is crucial for the classical (post)colonial situation and that makes it profoundly different from the Soviet one in terms of the complete exclusion / potential inclusion of subjugated peoples. In sum, all the usefulness of postcolonial theorizing for the analysis of the postcommunist world should not inhibit researchers from the recognition of its only partial and very conditional applicability, and of the need for due reservations, selfreflection and self-restrain.

9

Hungarian Stories of the Regime Change: Voices and Perspectives

57%

Balázs I. J.

Porównania

|

2020

|

vol. 27

|

issue 2

127-139

PL

Narracje o zmianie ustroju w literaturze węgierskiej zyskały nowy charakter około 2010 r., po dwóch dziesięcioleciach postkomunizmu. Artykuł analizuje strategie narracyjne powieści przedstawiających ten temat, pokazując ich tendencję do przyjmowania mikrohistorycznego punktu widzenia. Omówione zostały również powieści napisane przez autorów wywodzących się z mniejszości etnicznych, takich jak Ádám Bodor, Andrea Tompa, Sándor Zsigmond Papp, Zsolt Láng, którzy w swojej prozie opisują dramatyczną zmianę ustroju, jaka miała miejsce w Rumunii w 1989 r.

EN

Regime change narratives in Hungarian literature gained a new type of consistency around 2010, after two decades of postcommunism. The article analyses narrative strategies of novels written about the regime change, showing their tendency towards a microhistorical approach. The discussed novels include works by such minority authors as Ádám Bodor, Andrea Tompa, Sándor Zsigmond Papp, Zsolt Láng, who represent in their novels the dramatic regime change that took place in Romania in 1989.

10

Studium analogii między postkomunizmem a postkolonializmem

51%

Ştefănescu B.

Miscellanea Posttotalitariana Wratislaviensia

|

2014

|

vol. 2: Postkolonializm — tożsamość — gender. Europa Środkowa, Wschodnia i Południowo-Wschodnia

107 - 127

EN

The article deals with the shyness of academics in approaching the colonial issues of the postcommunist world. The coloniality of former Soviet republics and satellites presents critics with both ideological and epistemic embarrassment and it has generally been met with reserve in academic circles. Though Soviet colonial imperialism has been amply documented, scholarly overviews blatantly disregard colonialism as a general subject that may be applied outside particular concerns with Western capitalism and the result is a distorted, Westcentric picture of colonialism as a theoretical category. The article proposes to shed light on some of the probable causes for this reticence and deconstructs the monumentalization of ideologies like liberal humanism or Marxism by observing their modulations in different historical and political contexts. These qualifications and nuances assist the author’s effort to reclaim the coloniality of (post)communist experience.

11

Illusory Corporatism in Eastern Europe: Neoliberal Tripartism and Postcommunist Class Identities

51%

Ost D.

Warsaw Forum of Economic Sociology

|

2010

|

vol. 1

|

issue 2

91-122

EN

The plethora of tripartite bodies in postcommunist countries seems to suggest the emergence of an East European corporatism. Analysis of arrangements in Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia, and Poland indicates instead the prevalence of illusory corporatism. Token negotiations, non-binding agreements, and exclusion of the private sector demonstrate that tripartite procedures are deployed to introduce neoliberal, not social democratic, outcomes. A path-dependent argument stressing labour's weak class identity best explains these outcomes. East European labour, unlike historic western counterparts, is marked by a weak sense of class interests, disinclination to organize the private sector, and declining support from the workforce, making it unable to emerge as a strong force. It is not labour but the new elites that seek tripartism, hoping thereby to share burdens, conform to European norms, and demonstrate responsiveness to society. Formal tripartism also follows from the legacy of state socialism, giving symbolic voice to the formerly included now headed for exclusion. In the end, tripartism helps secure labour's acceptance of its own marginalization.

12

THE CONCEPT OF POPULISM: A POLITICAL ASPECT OF DEMOCRATIC SYSTEMS

51%

Kiyanka I.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

|

2020

|

issue 2

EN

The article focuses on populism, a phenomenon topical in the socio-political life of many countries. While it has a significant influence on the politics of countries with relatively little experience of functioning democratic institutions, populism is quite clearly visible also in the modern political space of old democracies. There is a distinct link between exacerbation of socio-economic problems and increasing attractiveness of populism. An important factor contributing to the emergence and growth of populist influences is the inability of political establishments, including fully democratic ones, to respond effectively to changes and new challenges.

13

Od underclass do Homo sovieticusa: Czynnik ludzki hamulcem modernizacji

43%

Woźniak W.

Praktyka Teoretyczna

|

2014

|

vol. 13

|

issue 3

171-199

EN

This article aims to present the discursive processes that were used to justify the path chosen to implement the social and economic transformation to capitalism in Poland. Special attention is paid to the role of elites in shaping a public discourse which legitimized the significant pauperization in society and growth of income inequalities as being conditioned on individual defects and the “civilizational incompetence” of those at the bottom of the social structure. These citizens of Poland were presented as a constraint and obstacle to achieving a faster pace of modernization processes. This has influenced the thinking of politicians involved in policy-making at the national level, as well as the attitudes of those involved in the implementation of welfare measures at the local level. Furthermore, it has contributed to the unspoken consensus of all mainstream political parties over the neoliberal reforms in the economy and social policy.

PL

Celem artykułu jest zaprezentowanie pewnych procesów dyskursywnych uzasadniających wybraną ścieżkę społeczno-ekonomicznej transformacji ku kapitalizmowi w Polsce. Szczególną uwagę poświęca się roli elit w kształtowaniu dyskursu publicznego legitymizującego znaczącą pauperyzację społeczeństwa oraz wzrost nierówności społecznych jako wynikający z indywidualnych deficytów oraz “cywilizacyjnej niekompetencji” jednostek znajdujących się na dole struktury społecznej. Tych polskich obywateli prezentowano jako hamulec i przeszkodę w osiągnięciu szybszego tempa procesów modernizacyjnych. Wpłynęło to zarówno na sposób myślenia polityków zaangażowanych w podejmowanie decyzji na szczeblu ogólnopolskim, jak i na postawy tych, wdrażających działania społeczne na poziomie lokalnym. Ponadto, przyczyniło się do niepisanego konsensusu wśród partii politycznych głównego nurtu odnośnie neoliberalnych reform w gospodarce i polityce społecznej.

14

Modernizacja czy kolonizacja? Recepcja okresu radzieckiego w polityce historycznej Kazachstanu i Uzbekistanu

41%

Kuryłowicz M.

Nowa Polityka Wschodnia

|

2017

|

vol. 4(15)

167-189

EN

The article describes the politics of memory of the Soviet Union in post-soviet Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan (1991–2016). The analysis is based on the following documents: Presidents N. Nazarbaev and I. Karimov statements, their publications, the politics of commemoration and historical education in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan after 1991. Author tries to compare two national historical narrations over the Soviet regime and argues that Uzbeks and Kazakhs were used two different approach of criticism of soviet colonialism, related to their foreign policy towards Russia

RU

Статья описывает формирование исторической политики в отношении Со- ветского Союза в Казахстане и Узбекистане (1991–2016). Анализ базируется на нижеследующих источниках: выступлениях президентов Н. Назарбаева и И. Каримова, написанных ими книгах, коммеморативной политике в Ка- захстане и Узбекистане и историческом образовании в этих республиках по- сле 1991 года. Автор пытается сравнить две исторические наррации в отно- шении советского режима, приходя к выводу, что они расходятся в критике советского колониализма. Одновременно эти разные наррации тесно связа- ны с внешней политикой этих стран в отношении России.

15

Polish Postcommunist Cinema and the Neoliberal Order

41%

Mazierska E.

Images. The International Journal of European Film, Performing Arts and Audiovisual Communication

|

2012

|

vol. 11

|

issue 20

53-63

EN

Polish Postcommunist Cinema and the Neoliberal Order This essay discusses three Polish films from the last 10 years: Bailiff (Komornik, 2005), directed by Feliks Falk, Edi (2002), directed by Piotr Trzaskalski, and Silesia, directed by Anna Kazejak-Dawid, which is the first part in the omnibus film Ode to Joy (Oda do radości, 2005) of which the two remaining parts were directed by Jan Komasa and Maciej Migas. The main methodological tools are the concepts of neoliberalism and bare life. The article argues that the fall of communism led to the neoliberalisation of Polish society and the production of bare life. The aforementioned films attest to these changes and offer an assessment of them which conveys a specific ideology. By focusing on the construction of their narratives and characters, the article attempts to establish its main features and offer its explanation.

16

Od PDS do Die Linke – droga niemieckich postkomunistów.

26%

Jezioro A.

Kultura i Polityka

|

2010

|

issue 8

52-72

EN

After the German reunification, the West German party system has been transferred to the new federal states. A post-communist Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS) has became the only emanation of the former German Democratic Republic. The party has effectively created its image on defending the interests of the inhabitants of Eastern Germany and has become the third political force there. The PDS is also an example of a successful transformation of a post-communist party, initially supported only in Eastern Germany, into a nationwide entity, though remaining strongly populist leftwing party. Just as the transformation in the former German Democratic Republic has proceeded differently than in the other countries of the former Eastern Bloc, the history of the PDS has also been shaped differently than the history of the other post-communist political parties. Therefore, it is worth a closer look at the way this party has developed over the past two decades. The article presents an overview of the history of the PDS since its inception in December 1989 to the present day. Some activities of the party from the first years after the German reunification and the factors that have cemented its support and persistence on the German political scene (including the activity at the municipal level and the successful presentation in the role of the only group defending the interests of the new federal states) will be broached. Such issues as the relations and connections of the PDS/The Left with the other political parties and groups as well as the results obtained by the party in the Bundestag and state parliaments elections will also be discussed. The subject of the analysis will also be the most important theses of the party manifesto. Finally, the article presents the current situation of The Left, the prospects and risks for the party, linked both to its internal situation, as well as to the activities of the other parties on the German political scene.

DE

Nach der deutschen Wiedervereinigung wurde das westdeutsche Parteiensystem auf die neuen Bundesländer übertragen. Die postkommunistische Partei des Demokratischen Sozialismus (PDS) wurde zur einzigen Emanation der ehemaligen Deutschen Demokratischen Republik. Die Partei baute effektiv sein Image auf der Vertretung der Interessen der ehemaligen DDR-Bürger auf und wurde dort folglich zur drittstärksten politischen Kraft. Die PDS ist auch ein Beispiel für die erfolgreiche Transformation einer postkommunistischen Partei, die sich zunächst nur auf das ostdeutsche Gebiet beschränkt hat , um später bundesweit zu expandieren, ungeachtet ihres stark links-populistischen Makels . So, wie anders als in der ehemaligen DDR der Wandel in den übrigen Ländern des ehemaligen Ostblocks verlief, so gestaltete sich auch unterschiedlich die Geschichte der PDS und der anderen postkommunistischen Parteien im ehemaligen Ostblock. Der Artikel gibt einen Überblick über die Geschichte der PDS seit ihrer Gründung im Dezember 1989 bis heute. Es werden die Hauptaktivitäten der Partei in den ersten Jahren nach der deutschen Wiedervereinigung geschildert und die Faktoren ihrer festen Verankerung im deutschen Parteienspektrum (einschließlich der Tätigkeit auf der kommunalen Ebene und der erfolgreichen Rollenübernahme des einzigen Interessenverteidiger der neuen Bundesländer) besprochen. Es werden auch die Beziehungen der Partei PDS/Die Linke zu ihren politischen Konkurrenten erötert, sowie die Wahlergebnisse auf der Bundes- und Landesebene analysiert. Die Analyse setzt sich ferner mit den wichtigsten Thesen des Wahlprogramms auseinander. Schließlich wird es auch auf die gegenwärtige Situation der Partei, deren Chancen und Risiken, sowohl interner, als auch externer Natur, eingegangen.

Refine search results

Już tylko „Kiler”. Kino końca postkomunizmu

BOOK REVIEWS Grażyna Skąpska, From “Civil Society” to “Europe”. A Sociological Study on Constitutionalism after Communism.

The End of Postcommunism? The Beginning of a Supercommunism? China’s New Perspective

European Belarus versus State Ideology: Construction of the Nation in the Belarusian Political Discourses

Problem z prze-pisaniem : Teoretyczne podstawy refleksji postkolonialnej a zagadnienie postkomunizmu

From Brigades to Blogs: Environmentalism Online in Slovakia 20 Years after the Velvet Revolution

National Currencies and National Identities: Historical Origins and Ironies of the Neoliberal Baltic Model

Colonialism in another Way. On the Applicability of Postcolonial Methodology for the Study of Postcommunist Europe

Hungarian Stories of the Regime Change: Voices and Perspectives

Studium analogii między postkomunizmem a postkolonializmem

Illusory Corporatism in Eastern Europe: Neoliberal Tripartism and Postcommunist Class Identities

THE CONCEPT OF POPULISM: A POLITICAL ASPECT OF DEMOCRATIC SYSTEMS

Od underclass do Homo sovieticusa: Czynnik ludzki hamulcem modernizacji

Modernizacja czy kolonizacja? Recepcja okresu radzieckiego w polityce historycznej Kazachstanu i Uzbekistanu

Polish Postcommunist Cinema and the Neoliberal Order

Od PDS do Die Linke – droga niemieckich postkomunistów.