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EN
The article discusses the Russian раз-prefix in verbal structures compared with the Polish language. The semantic analysis applies basic assumptions of cognitive grammar developed by Ronald W. Langacker.
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EN
The paper aims to describe the meanings of the prefix pro- found in Czech verbal neologisms. The first section characterizes verbal prefixation and describes two principal functions of prefixes — the lexical and the aspectual. The subsequent section deals with the Neomat electronic neologism database, which is the primary source of material for the paper and the basis for a discussion of its methodology. Subsequently, the difference between polysemy, cosemy and homonymy is explained and cosemy is shown on the example of the verb probruslit. Next, classifications of the prefix propresented in Czech linguistic sources (especially in grammars) are compared, the principal problems of classification are addressed, and meanings mentioned in all the sources are identified. The final section analyses meanings of the prefix pro- in verbal neologisms (prototypical, spatial meaning ‘through’ being described first). The most frequent meanings of the prefix pro- in verbal neologisms are ‘to get somewhere/to accomplish something‘, ‘to pass time’, ‘to lose something’ or ‘to do intensively’.
Studia Linguistica
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2013
|
issue 32
101 - 115
EN
The article presents an analysis of words prefixed with maxi- in contemporary French. We tried to describe the morphologic behaviour of this prefix and its semantic value, where it works as a feature intensifier. Focus was put on the productivity and vitality of the prefix. The maxi- prefix appeared in French in the 70s. It entered the language through fashion clothing. Then its use spread widely, mainly thanks to advertising. Currently it appears in several fields other than fashion, including description of cosmetics, household appliances, transportation and tourism. It can be found in the naming of companies, products, website addresses, etc. It is also used by many French in everyday language, e.g. in internet blogs. Dictionaries give only a few examples of its use, mainly in the language of fashion, which does not cover all possible potential combinations of maxi-, mainly with nouns and adjectives.
EN
Based on Polish and French vocabulary, this paper proposes criteria which shall make it possible to diHerentiate between prefixoids and prefixes. Uere are three such criteria: 1. prefixoids have the capacity to become autonomous (and even to become bases in word formation), and are impossible to substitute in their semantic representation by native prefixes, or to be expanded into full lexemes; 2. lexemes are created together with sufixoids, showing that neither of them are just afixes; 3. in some cases, the position of sufixoids can vary with regard to the lexical element which co-forms the compound lexeme. It is for these reasons that these elements deserve their own place in the morphological description of, at least, Polish and French.
IT
Nel presente contributo si analizza il significato spaziale dei prefissi verbali pri- e doe il loro contributo nella lessicalizzazione degli eventi di moto. La nostra analisi si basa in primo luogo sulla descrizione lessicografica di questi prefissi, sulla definizione proposta nella Grammatica Accademica della lingua russa (Švedova et al., 1980) e sull’interpretazione data in differenti studi dedicati allo studio della semantica dei prefissi verbali nella lingua russa. In differenti contributi (Dobrušina et al., 2001; Dickey, 2010; Kagan, 2016; Padučeva, 2002, 2004) si osserva che il significato spaziale del prefisso pri- esprime il raggiungimento della meta, incluso il superamento del confine dell’entità di riferimento (boundary-crossing nella letteratura anglofona). Al contrario, la semantica spaziale del prefisso do- è descritta perlopiù in rapporto al progressivo raggiungimento di un limite lungo una scala spaziale (boundary-reaching). Nel corso dell’analisi contrastiva si individuano e descrivono alcune possibili corrispondenze italiane per i verbi di moto formati per mezzo dei prefissi pri- e do-. Si analizza inoltre quali componenti semantiche di un evento di moto codificate in un verbo prefissato russo sono espresse od omesse nelle corrispondenti costruzioni italiane. L’analisi contrastiva è condotta su alcuni esempi tratti dal corpus parallelo russo-italiano del Corpus Nazionale della Lingua Russa. Il contributo si compone di quattro parti. La prima parte introduce il lettore alla ricerca. Nella seconda parte è presentato il quadro concettuale di riferimento dello studio ed è descritta la semantica spaziale dei prefissi verbali russi pri- e do- secondo le fonti considerate. La terza parte è dedicata all’analisi contrastiva degli esempi tratti dal corpus parallelo. Seguono nell’ultima parte le nostre considerazioni sui risultati, seppur parziali e non esaustivi, dello studio.
EN
In this paper, we analyse the spatial meaning of verbal prefixes pri- and do- and their semantic contribution to the lexicalisation of motion events. Our analysis is based primarily on the lexicographic description of these prefixes proposed in the Academic Grammar of the Russian Language (Švedova et al., 1980) and on the interpretation given to them in different works devoted to the study of the semantics of verbal prefixes in the Russian language. In different contributions, it is observed that the spatial meaning of the prefix pri- expresses the reaching of the goal of motion, including the crossing of its threshold (boundary-crossing). In contrast, the spatial semantics of the prefix do- is mostly described in relation to the progressive approaching to an endpoint along a spatial scale (boundary-reaching). In the course of the contrastive analysis, an attempt will be made to identify and describe possible Italian correspondences for Russian verbs of motion with prefixes pri- and do-. We also consider which semantic components of a motion event encoded in a Russian prefixed verb are expressed or omitted in the corresponding Italian constructions. The research has been conducted on the parallel Russian-Italian corpus, part of the National Corpus of the Russian Language (we consider just a few examples).
PL
Celem artykułu jest opis czasowników z niesłowiańską cząstką re- w historii języka polskiego, z uwzględnieniem tła słowiańskiego. Omówiono: genezę i chronologię zjawiska, proces wydzielania się prefiksu re- z serii zapożyczeń łacińskich, zależności genetyczno-morfologiczne pomiędzy prefiksem re- a rodzajami podstaw słowotwórczych, relacje motywacyjne zachodzące pomiędzy derywatami czasownikowymi z re- a wyrazami motywującymi, semantykę czasowników z re- oraz uwarunkowania stylistyczno-pragmatyczne tych czasowników. Przeprowadzone badania pozwoliły ustalić, że prefiks re- ma długą tradycję w polszczyźnie, ale jego łączliwość jest ograniczona do podstaw genetycznie obcych. Wskazano także na polisemiczność prefiksu re-, która może zależeć od semantyki podstaw, oraz na przynależność czasowników z re- do specjalistycznej leksyki naukowo- technicznej. Podobnymi właściwościami charakteryzują się derywaty werbalne na re- także w innych językach słowiańskich.
EN
The article aims to describe verbs with non-Slavic prefix re- in the history of the Polish language, including the Slavic background. Discussed issues include: origins and chronology of the phenomenon, the process of evolution of the prefix re- from a series borrowings from Latin, genetic and morphological links between the prefix re- and the types root words, motivational relationships, semantics, as well as the stylistic and pragmatic characteristics of verbs prefixed by re-. It has been established through research that the prefix re- has a long tradition in the Polish language, but its connectivity is limited to genetically foreign roots. Also indicated has been the polysemy of the prefix and the fact that the re- verbs belong in a specialised scholarly and technical vocabulary. Similar properties characterise verbal derivatives prefixed with re- also in other Slavic languages.
Język Polski
|
2014
|
vol. 94
|
issue 1
51-62
PL
Artykuł jest kolejnym głosem w sprawie statusu genetycznie obcych cząstek inicjalnych, które mogą być interpretowane jako prefiksy lub początkowe człony złożeń. Omówiono w nim najważniejsze cechy przedrostków i członów złożeń. Ustosunkowano się również do ustaleń badaczy na temat statusu formalnego obcych cząstek inicjalnych. Stwierdzono, że w rozstrzyganiu na temat tego statusu pomocna jest perspektywa historycznojęzykowa. Początkowe cząstki obce mogły niezależnie od znaczenia różnorako funkcjonować w dziejach polszczyzny: i jako morfemy związane, i jako swobodne. Zaproponowano, żeby za prefiksy obce uznać takie morfemy, których choćby jedno ze znaczeń można oddać rodzimym przedrostkiem bądź przyimkiem. Do początkowych członów złożeń należałyby zaś te cząstki, których znaczenie (znaczenia) da się oddać jedynie za pomocą rodzimych wyrazów autosemantycznych. Rozwiązanie takie mogłoby mieć praktyczne zastosowanie w leksykografii.
EN
The article deals with a widely discussed issue of the status of genetically foreign initial elements which can be interpreted either as prefixes or initial elements of noun compounds. The main features of prefixes and noun compounds have been analyzed here. Researchers’ studies concerning the formal status of foreign initial elements have also been taken into consideration. It has been stated that a diachronic perspective should be adopted in deciding about this status. Irrespective of their meaning, initial non-native elements could function in the history of the Polish language in different ways, both as free and as bound morphemes. It has been suggested that non-native prefixes should be treated as these morphemes whose meaning, at least one of them, could be expressed as a native prefix or a preposition. Following this suggestion, initial elements of noun compounds would include these elements whose meaning (or meanings) may be expressed solely with the help of native autosemantic words. Such a solution could have a practical use in lexicography.
EN
Glottalization as a significant irregularity of glottal pulsing fulfils a number of linguistic functions and can occur in various contexts. It can also contribute to a foreign accent. This paper examines the rate of vowel-related glottalization in the speech of Russian speakers who are beginning learners of Czech, comparing their reading of Czech with that of native speakers. In Czech, there is a relatively high frequency of glottalization and, according to research from the last decade, glottalization in Russian is more common than is usually assumed, especially at the boundaries of intonational phrases. The purpose of this study is to determine the similarities and differences in the distribution of glottalization among native and non-native speakers of Czech, and to examine the factors that may influence it. The subjects read a short text containing 14 potential positions where glottalization can occur in the standard pronunciation of native speakers. The resulting 322 tokens were then analysed and rated for glottalization. The analysis was primarily based on perception and covered two main categories of glottalization: the glottal stop and creaky voice. The rate of glottalization in individual speakers ranged from 71.4 to 100.0% (native group) and from 25.0 to 72.7% (non-native group). The differences between native and non-native speakers are significant at the level p < 0.05, while the differences between males and females (both within and across the groups) are not significant. Three different positions (the intonational phrase boundary, the position after a non-syllabic preposition, and the word-internal boundary) are discussed in detail.
EN
The position of composition and derivation in German as the two main methods of word formation are unquestionable in word formation. It will be explained below whether word formation by means of prefixes belongs to the composition or to the derivative, or on the other hand, whether it forms an independent group. The following analysis is limited to five authors: Henzen, Fleischer, Erben, Eichinger and Coseriu.
DE
Die Stellung von Komposition und Ableitung im Deutschen als den beiden Hauptmethoden der Wortbildung ist in der Wortbildung unbestritten. Im Folgenden wird geklärt, ob die Wortbildung mit den Präfixen zur Komposition oder zum Derivat gehört oder vielleicht eine eigenständige Gruppe darstellt. Die folgende Analyse beschränkt sich auf fünf Autoren: Henzen, Fleischer, Erben, Eichinger und Coseriu.
EN
The word-formation technique to be tested is the derivation of verbs by exchange of prefixes, discovered and defined in 2006 by Joanna Stankiewicz, developed in 2006 and 2009 by Michał Wiśnicki for Polish, and in 2010 by Wanda Fijałkowska for French. In each language different prefixal pairs are used. The semantic motivation becomes obvious if we resort to w rd-formation paraphrases (as defined by Jadwiga Puzynina). A correctly formulated paraphrase of a derived word has to contain on the surface the original prefix – that of the base. This kind of paraphrases is not employed by French morphologists, but is applicable to studies on the French language. Logi­cally, the activity named by the derived verb cannot occur before the activity named by its base is terminated: we cannot unscrew something that is not screwed, or extend a building that is not built yet. Otherwise, we cannot explain that the prefixes in such verbs as débrigader, recharger, surgeler, odrysować, oddzwonić, nabroić are unique and not simply added one to another. In spite of the differences between Polish and French accomplished verbs, common and productive patterns appear – for example, in both languages annulative, transformative, directional and effective verbs are created. The analyses that we have carried out are the first step towards proving the universality of this word-formation technique.
FR
La technique de construction de mots que nous nous proposons d’étudier est une dérivation de verbes qui se fait par échange de préfixes. Elle fut découverte et décrite en 2006 par Joanna Stankiewicz, sa théorie fut développée en 2009 par Michał Wiśnicki pour le polonais et en 2010 par Wanda Fijałkowska pour le français. Les deux langues utilisent différentes paires de préfixes, p.ex. en français – embrigader – débrigader, décharger – recharger, congeler – surgeler, explo­ser - imploser et en polonais – narysować – odrysować, ugotować – nagotować, zadzwonić – oddzwonić, zbudować – dobudować, zbroić – nabroić. La motivation sémantique des verbes cités comme seconds dans chaque paire devient évidente si nous nous servons de la paraphrase (selon la définition de Jadwiga Puzynina). La paraphrase correcte d’un dérivé doit contenir la base avec son préfixe. Ce type de paraphrase n’est pas utilisé par les chercheurs qui étudient le français ; or, elle peut très bien servir à décrire la dérivation dans cette langue. Du point de vue logique, l’action décrite par le verbe dérivé ne peut avoir lieu avant celle qu’exprime le verbe de base : on ne peut odkręcić (dévisser) qch. qui n’est pas przykręcone (vissé), ni rozbudować (étendre) un bâtiment qui n’a pas encore été zbudowany (construit). Sinon, on ne pourrait expliquer pourquoi les préfixes des verbes comme débrigader, recharger, surgeler, odrysować, oddzwonić, nabroić sont spécifiques et ne furent pas simplement ajoutés aux verbes non munis d’un autre préfixe. Parmi les verbes accomplis polonais et français, on trouve des modèles productifs qui leur sont communs, p.ex. les deux langues forment des dérivés annulatifs (skręcić – rozkręcić, emballer – déballer), transfor­matifs (zbudować – przebudować, encoder – transcoder), de changement de direction (dobudować – nadbudować, exploser – imploser) et effectifs (umyć – domyć, congeler – surgeler). Les analyses menées ici constituent un premier pas pour prouver que cette technique de construction de mots a un caractère universel.
PL
Technika słowotwórcza, którą zbadano, to derywacja czasowników, dokonująca się przez wymianę prefiksów. Została ona odkryta i zdefiniowana w 2006 roku przez Joannę Stankiewicz, jej teoria została rozwinięta w 2006 i 2009 roku przez Michała Wiśnickiego dla języka polskiego oraz w 2010 roku przez Wandę Fijałkowską dla języka francuskiego. W obu językach używane są różne pary przedrostków. Motywacja semantyczna drugich członów tych par werbalnych staje się oczywista, jeśli posłużymy się parafrazą słowotwórczą (wg definicji Jadwigi Puzyniny). Poprawnie sformułowana parafraza derywatu powinna zawierać prefiks podstawy. Ten rodzaj parafraz nie bywa stosowany przez morfologów badających język francuski, lecz może znaleźć zastosowanie w studiach nad tym językiem. Z punktu widzenia logicznego czynność określona czasownikiem pochodnym nie może wydarzyć się wcześniej, niż zakończy się czynność wyrażona czasownikiem bazowym: nie można odkręcić czegoś, co nie jest przykręcone, ani rozbudować budynku, który nie został jeszcze zbudowany. W przeciwnym razie nie można wytłumaczyć, że przedrostki w takich czasownikach, jak: débrigader, recharger, surgeler, odrysować, oddzwonić, nabroić są specyficzne, i nie zostały po prostu dodane do podstaw bezprefiksalnych. Pomimo różnic między polskimi i francuskimi czasownikami dokonanymi pojawiają się wspólne dla nich produktywne wzorce, np. tworzone są derywaty anulatywne, transformatywne, kierunkowe i efektywne. Przeprowadzone analizy stanowią pierwszy krok w stronę dowodu, że opisywana technika słowotwórcza jest uniwersalna.
EN
The issue of the semantic distinction between the two prefixes: у- and о- in the all-Bulgarian plan (literary language and dialects) is generally solved in the following manner: the prefix о-, originating from the old Bulgarian preposition о (об, обь) still denotes ‘touching the surface’ ‘or ‘ external coverage of an object’ while the prefix y- means ‘place of action’ or ‘action directed towards // or inside the object’, as well as ‘centrifugal action of an object’. In dialects, however, mostly for phonetic reasons, these basic meanings of prefixes often change. The situation is not the same even in the Rhodope dialects. In the northern (mostly Christian) dialects, the labial suffix (y-, o-) is more typical, in the south (mostly Bulgarian-Mohammedan) – of the non-labial type (ạ or a).
BG
Въпросът за семантичното разграничаване на двата префикса у- и о- в общобългарски план (книжовен език и диалекти) най-общо е решаван така: представката о-, произхождаща от старобългарския предлог о (объ, обь), и днес означава ‘докосване до повърхността’ или ‘външно обхващане на предмета’, докато представката у- означава ‘място на действие’ или ‘действие, насочено към//или във вътрешността на предмета’, а също така и ‘центробежно действие от предмета’. В диалектите обаче най-вече поради фонетични причини, тези основни значения на префиксите често претърпяват промени. Ситуацията не е еднаква дори в самите родопски говори. В северните (предимно християнски) говори по-типична е наставката от лабиален тип (у-, о-), в южните (предимно българо-мохамедански) – от нелабиален тип (ạ или а).
RU
Анализ показал, что активно образовываются производные глаголы, относящиеся к социальным сетям. Аффиксы, особенно префиксы, проявляют свой словообразовательный потенциал в сочетании как с рассмотренными глаголами, так и с исконными глаголами. Глаголы, кроме лайкать, тегить и шерить, функционируют как глаголы сообщения и нередко созданы по тем же самым словообразовательным моделям. За счет аффиксации актуализируется пространственно-временное восприятие действия в социальных сетях и его деривационное оформление. Весьма характерна моментальность и точечность действия, которое осуществляется одним нажатием кнопки. Cледует отметить продуктивные префиксы, пространственная семантика которых сходится с семантикой глагола. Несмотря на свои пространственные значения, эти префиксы не вносят значимую семантическую модификацию, тем самым образуя видовой коррелят беспрефиксальным глаголам. В силу грамматической категории вида у префиксальных глаголов с разными модификациями уже намечается вторичная имперфективация.
EN
The analysis reveals that the verbs related to social media are actively derived. Affixes, especially prefixes, show their word-building potential in combination with the considered verbs, as well as with native verbs. Except for лайкать ‘like’, тегить ‘tag’ and шерить ‘share’, the analyzed verbs function as verbs of communication and often follow the same derivational models. Affixation is activated by the temporal and spatial perception of action and its derivation. The instantness and punctuality of action are realized by clicking a button on a social media platform. It should be noted that there are certain productive prefixes whose spatial semantics match that of the verbs. Despite their spatial meanings, these prefixes do not yield significant semantic modification and they form aspectual counterparts for non-prefixed verbs. Secondary imperfectivization has been attested for prefixed verbs with various aspectual modifications.
EN
The present case study deals with the functions of the Czech verbal prefix po-. Three functions of the prefix are analysed by contrasting the existing theoretical descriptions with corpus data. In its primary, word-formational function, po- modifies the meaning of the base verb (expressing one of the semantic features described as Aktionsart or other meanings; e.g. kreslit ‘to draw’ > pokreslit ‘to cover with drawings’). In its second function, po- derives perfective counterparts from the imperfective verb; here, the prefix is considered to be a grammatical means used for the formation of aspectual pairs of verbs (cf. kárat ‘to admonish.impf’ > pokárat ‘to admonish.pf’). The third function of po- is manifested in the class of determinate verbs; it is a part of the morphological form of these verbs in their (imperfective) future meaning (e.g. běžet ‘to run’ – poběží ‘(he) will run’). A group of verbs suspected of exhibiting similar behaviour as the pure determinate verbs is analysed and attested using the corpus data. Finally, the competition between the prefix po- and several tens of prefixes in Czech verbs is commented upon and the position of the prefixed verbs within word-formation nests is sketched.
EN
The aim of the article is to analyze the French phrase tomber amoureux and the prefixed Polish verb zakochać się. The analysis aims to see if the semantic contents of the two verbs, which result of their constructions, are exactly the same. The invariant of tomber, which has both locative and non-locative / abstract uses, is complex and includes two basic meaning elements: downward movement and contact, which the language selects according to the given use. On the other hand, the phrase tomber amoureux can be analyzed as a collocation, where tomber is a collocator. The Polish predicate is built on the basis of kochać (psychological verb), with the prefix za-. Polish attaches considerable importance to the prefix, the meaning of which is added to that of the verbal base. The analysis reveals that tomber amoureux expresses a change of state and underlines the beginning of the action, while zakochać się emphasises the intensity of the feeling to which the verbal base refers.
FR
Le but de l’article est d’analyser la locution française tomber amoureux et le verbe polonais préfixé zakochać się. L’analyse vise à voir si les contenus sémantiques des deux verbes, qui résultent de leurs constructions, sont exactement les mêmes. L’invariant de tomber, qui englobe des emplois locatifs et non locatifs / abstraits, est complexe et comprend deux éléments de signification de base: le mouvement vers le bas et le contact, que la langue sélectionne en fonction de l’emploi donné. De l’autre côté, la locution tomber amoureux peut être analysée comme une collocation, où tomber n’est qu’un collocateur. Le prédicat polonais est construit sur la base de kochać (verbe psychologique), avec le préfixe za-. Le polonais attache une importance considérable au préfixe, dont le sens s’ajoute à celui de la base verbale. Il résulte de l’analyse que tomber amoureux exprime un changement d’état et souligne le début de l’action, tandis que zakochać się met en évidence l’intensité du sentiment auquel se réfère la base verbale.
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