Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 10

first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last

Search results

Search:
in the keywords:  presidency
help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
1
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

The Determinants of the Polish Presidency in the EU – 2011

100%
Master B.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
|
2011
|
vol. 29
199-224
PL
Prezydencja w Unii Europejskiej podkreśla i wyróżnia znaczenie państwa w zintegrowanej Europie. Niemniej, ostatnie zmiany traktatowe pociągnęły za sobą dość istotne zmiany w funkcjonowaniu tej instytucji. Zmianie uległo samo rozumienie tego pojęcia, jej funkcje i metody działania, a to także wpłynęło bezpośrednio na kształt modeli. Jest to szczególnie ważne dla Polski, która w lipcu 2011 roku przejmie na pół roku przewodnictwo w Radzie. Nowe warunki działania stanowią zarówno szansę, jak i wyzwanie. Artykuł przybliża oblicze prezydencji i jej roli zarówno przed Traktatem z Lizbony, jak i bezpośrednio po nim oraz bada możliwości działania, jakie po tych zmianach stoją przed państwami sprawującymi prezydencję, w tym przede wszystkim Polską. Autorka analizuje uwarunkowania, mocne i słabe strony tego państwa oraz ocenia proces przygotowań do sprawowania tej funkcji.
EN
Chairing the Council of the European Union underlines the importance of the state in integrated Europe. However, the recent amendments to the Treaty have given rise to significant changes in the functioning of this institution. Our understanding of this concept as well as of its functions and methods has changed. This is particularly important for Poland, which in July 2011 will take over the half year presidency. The new conditions of operation pose both opportunities and challenges. This article presents the model of the Presidency and its role both before the Treaty of Lisbon and immediately after it. It also discusses the ability of countries holding presidency, especially Poland, to handle these changes. The author examines the conditions, strengths and weaknesses of Poland with respect to exercising this function.
2
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Prezydencja w Unii Europejskiej po reformie lizbońskiej a zasada good governance

75%
Cymbranowicz K.
Zeszyty Naukowe Uczelni Vistula
|
2017
|
issue 55(4) Ekonomia XIV
17-27
PL
Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie procesu kształtowania się i reformowania Prezydencji jako mechanizmu, który funkcjonuje w Unii Europejskiej (UE) w nowej odsłonie po przyjęciu w 2007 roku, a następnie ratyfikowaniu w 2009 roku, Traktatu z Lizbony. Mechanizm ten jest omawiany w kontekście zasady good governance, którą uznaje się i stosuje w UE od lat 90. XX wieku. Aby zrealizować tak określony cel, wykorzystano metodę opisową. Analiza i ocena badanego problemu jest oparta na podstawie materiałów źródłowych poruszających z jednej strony – problematykę Prezydencji w UE, z drugiej – kwestii związanych z zagadnieniami „dobrego rządzenia”. Zmiany, które wprowadził Traktat z Lizbony tworząc ramy instytucjonalne nowej formuły Prezydencji (tzw. formuły hybrydowej), były wynikiem silnej presji politycznej w sprawie przeprowadzenia reform w UE w pierwszej dekadzie XXI wieku. Bezsprzecznie, reforma lizbońska nadała formule Prezydencji w Radzie UE nowy kształt. Niestety, państwa członkowskie decydując się na przyjęcie nowych rozwiązań w takiej postaci nie przewidziały, że efekt końcowy będzie odwrotny do zakładanego, tzn. zamiast uprościć i przyczynić się do stworzenia bardziej przejrzystych relacji międzyinstytucjonalnych, raczej wpłynie na ich jeszcze większą złożoność i skomplikowanie.
EN
The aim of the article is to present the process of formation and reforming the presidency as the mechanism which functions in the European Union (EU) at a new stage after the adoption in 2007, then ratification in 2009, the Treaty of Lisbon. This mechanism is discussed in the context of the good governance principle which has been acknowledged and applied in the EU since the 1990s. To achieve thus defined aim the author used the descriptive method. The analysis and assessment of the problem in question are based on the source materials touching, on the one hand, the issues of presidency in the EU and, on the other hand, the issues related to the good governance problems. The amendments introduced by the Lisbon Treaty setting up the institutional framework of the new formula of the presidency (the so-called hybrid formula) were a result of a strong political pressure on the issue of reforms to be conducted in the EU in the first decade of the 21st century. No doubt, the Lisbon reform has vested the formula of presidency in the EU Council with a new shape. Unfortunately, the member states, while deciding to adopt new solutions in such a form, have not envisaged that the ultimate effect will be opposite to what was intended, i.e. instead of simplifying and contributing to setting up more transparent interinstitutional relations it will rather have affected their greater complexity and complication.
3
Content available remote

Ewolucja instytucji prezydentury w politycznej historii Ukrainy: ustanowienie prezydentury, kompetencje, rola i miejsce prezydenta w systemie rządów

75%
Łytwyn W.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
|
2015
|
issue 3(34/1)
25-62
EN
The author determined phases of formation, powers, role and place of presidency in the government system of Ukraine at different stages of its political development, outlined historiography of presidency’s researches in Ukraine, incrementally structured the evolution of political and legal views about the nature and purpose of the presidency in Ukraine, outlined the factual authority, role and place of presidency in the government system of Ukraine (on Ukrainian ethnic territories) in the first decade of the twentieth century. He also described the influence of the USSR presidency on the characteristics of formation and role of the presidency in post‑Soviet Ukraine as well as revealed the dynamics of presidency in the independent Ukraine, 1991‑2014. The author also found out the problem of institutional inheritance of presidency (including his powers, role and place in system of government) in the context of impact of some historical milestones of Ukrainian statehood in the following historical milestones. As result, the researcher argued that the institution of presidency in Ukraine (including the government system at all) needs to be reformed because of the past institutional, legal and political legacy of the presidency in Ukraine, and given to the experience of presidency in Central and Eastern Europe countries.
4

Między konstytucyjną słabością a rzeczywistą siłą — rumuńska prezydentura w okresie sprawowania urzędu przez Traiana Băsescu

75%
Banaś M.
Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne
|
2014
|
vol. 16
170 - 185
EN
21 November 1991 is a date when the new constitution was adopted in Romania. According to its text, the legislative power belongs to bicameral parliament and the executive power is possessed by a popularly elected president and cabinet responsible before legislature. The relationship between two centres of the executive is characterized by an unbalanced distribution of power, which means that the constitution provides for the president a rather ceremonial role and primacy for the cabinet. However, we should remember that the law is very often verified by its practice. Because of this we should rather assume that despite the constitutional weakness a person who holds the office of the Romanian president may act as an active political player. To check whether such situation is possible, the author decided to analyse the course of presidency of Traian Băsescu.
5
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Inauguracja prezydentury Andrzeja Dudy jako zespół roszczeń legitymizacyjnych

71%
Kołodziejczak M.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
|
2016
|
issue 3
323-341
EN
The author of this paper analyzes a specific political fact, namely the inauguration of presidency in modern democratic systems. Focusing on the inauguration of Andrzej Duda’s presidency, the author answers the question of whether this extensive range of activities (encompassing the act of swearing in, symbolical acts, presidential address and other speeches) is an element of a consciously created legitimacy claim made by the president-elect. Answering this question in the affirmative, the author illustrates how the claims that refer to all three of Weber’s types of legitimacy are encompassed in the successive parts of the inauguration: the swearing in refers to the legal element of legitimacy, an extensive range of symbolical acts refers to tradition, whereas the presidential address introduces yet another element justifying legitimacy, this timeresulting from the heritage of Lech Kaczyński’s charisma.
PL
W niniejszym artykule autorka analizuje specyficzny fakt polityczny, jakim jest inauguracja prezydentury we współczesnym systemie demokratycznym. Koncentrując się na przykładzie inauguracji prezydentury Andrzeja Dudy, autorka odpowiada na pytanie czy ten rozbudowany zespół działań (złożony z aktu zaprzysiężenia, działań symbolicznych, orędzia i innych przemówień) stanowi element świadomie konstruowanego roszczenia legitymizacyjnego, wysuwanego przez prezydenta- elekta. Odpowiadając pozytywnie na to pytanie, ukazuje ona w jaki sposób roszczenia nawiązujące do wszystkich trzech Weberowskich typów legitymizacji zostały wplecione w poszczególne części inauguracji: zaprzysiężenie zawiera więc legalny element uprawomocniający, bardzo rozbudowany kompleks działań symbolicznych – odwołania do tradycji (II i IV RP), natomiast orędzie – wprowadza kolejny typ uzasadnienia legitymizacyjnego – tym razem wynikającego z roszczenia sukcesji charyzmy po Lechu Kaczyńskim.
6
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Volodymyr Zelensky: What has Been Done in the Past Year? What’s Next?

71%
Donaj Ł.
Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej
|
2020
|
issue 14
101-112
PL
Treścią publikacji jest próba oceny pierwszego roku prezydentury W. Zełenskiego. Dokonując analizy procesu podejmowania decyzji przez W. Zełenskiego (posiłkując się metodą decyzyjną, instytucjonalno-prawną, systemową oraz indukcją i dedukcją) autor próbował odpowiedzieć, czy jest to działanie służące Ukrainie i jej dalekosiężnym interesom. Określając determinanty wpływające na politykę zagraniczną Ukrainy, autor starał się ukazać, co w dalszej perspektywie czeka kraj nad Dnieprem.
EN
The paper sets out to assess the first year of Volodymyr Zelensky’s presidency. By analyzing the decision-making process followed by Zelensky (using the decision-making, institutional-legal, systems, induction and deduction methods), the author attempts to answer whether the process serves Ukraine and its long-term interests. By identifying the determinants affecting Ukraine’s foreign policy, the author tries to show the long term prospects for the country.
7
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Prezydentura gen. Wojciecha Jaruzelskiego... w świetle teorii i praktyki zarządzania władczymi kompetencjami ustrojowymi

63%
Momro P.
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica
|
2015
|
issue 14
65-85
EN
The institution-legal model of the chair of the President of PPR, designed within the Round Table understanding, was characterised by a strong regime position and many competences, among which an important part took a shape of prerogatives. An important role in shaping the political profile of the one-man head of state was played by political decisions, in light of which this organ was supposed to be given to a representative of a communist party and as a consequence serve to control the transformations in a country, as well as keep the alliances and international commitments. In the catalogue of fourteen ruling and independent competences a special role has been played by the right to present the parliament with commissioning and decommissioning the leader of the Councils of Ministers, a right that has been used by gen. Jaruzelski twice during his presidency. In the light of the factorial decisive analysis, the personal choices of the president, made in the conditions of the increasing political crisis, were dictated by trying to secure the interest of the government-coalition camp, but with regard to the newly accepted rules of political rivalry. The president saw a key role for his home party in the initiated process of political and economic changes, but did not try to preserve the political monopoly of the communist party, and in consequence to keep a part of the opposition from ruling. He was led by a need to achieve social support for the reforms and aimed at realising it with the workflow created for the decisive situations, the immanent part of which was splitting responsibility to other subjects and creating multipersonal decisive centres.
8
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Prezydent w systemie politycznym Turcji

63%
Liszkowska D.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
|
2021
|
vol. 69
234-250
EN
This article presents the main features of the Turkish presidential system and historical conditions which shaped the president’s position in the power structure in Turkey. The work consists of three parts. The first part discusses the basics of Turkish parliamentarism, which is a matter crucial for understanding the organization of the Turkish system before the reform. Another issue discussed in this part is the process of evolution in the Turkish presidency from the first years of the Republic’s founding to the changes introduced in 2018. The second part of this work focuses on the conditions necessary for changes in the system. Finally, the last part of the article is the analysis of the new system defined as Turkishstyle presidentialism and its distinctive features.
PL
W niniejszym artykule przedstawiono główne cechy tureckiego modelu systemu prezydenckiego, a także historyczne uwarunkowania pozycji prezydenta w strukturze organów państwa w Turcji. Praca składa się z trzech części. W pierwszej z nich omówione zostały podstawy parlamentaryzmu, co jest kluczową kwestią dla ukazania kształtu tureckiego systemu przed reformą. Kolejnym zagadnieniem omawianym w tej części artykułu jest proces ewolucji prezydentury od pierwszych lat powstania Republiki do zmian wprowadzonych po wyborach prezydenckich i parlamentarnych w 2018 r. W drugiej części pracy wskazano uwarunkowania zmiany systemowej. Wreszcie w ostatniej dokonano analizy nowego systemu, określanego jako prezydencjalizm „w stylu tureckim”, i ukazano jego charakterystyczne cechy.
9
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Autorytaryzm rywalizacyjny na Ukrainie podczas prezydentury Wiktora Janukowycza w latach 2010–2013

63%
Banaś M.
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
|
2014
|
vol. 1(6)
81-98
EN
Anticipated effect of democratization is not only the establishment of effective democratic institutions, but also to consolidate behavior patterns typical for this system. Unfortunately, this process does not always achieve the assumed effect. It is recognized that the democratic transformation can be completed in three ways: success, failure (back to authoritarian rule), or the establishment of hybrid regime, “hanged” between democracy and authoritarianism. An example of such a system is competitive authoritarianism, which model was firstly described by S. Levitsky and L. A. Way. In the article author intends to analyse the political situation in Ukraine during the presidency of Viktor Yanukovych in the years 2010–2013 using this model. Thanks to this an attempt to explain the systemic causes of the events taking place in this country at the turn of 2013 and 2014 will be also undertaken.
RU
Ожидаемый эффект демократизации не только создание эффективных демократических институтов , но и укрепить модели поведения , характерные для этой системы. К сожалению, этот процесс не всегда достигают предполагаемого эффекта. Признается, что демократические преобразования может быть завершена в трех направлениях: Успех, ошибка (назад к авторитарному правлению), или установление гибридный режим “повешенных” между демократией и авторитаризмом. Примером такой системы является конкурентоспособной авторитаризм, какая модель была впервые описана С. Левицкого и Л. Пути. В статье намерен проанализировать политическую ситуацию в Украине во время президентства Виктора Януковича в годы 2010–2013, используя эту модель. Будет также проведен Благодаря этому попытка объяснить системные причины событий, происходящих в этой стране на рубеже 2013 и 2014 годов.
10
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Václav Havel: niepolityczny polityk

55%
Bankowicz M.
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne
|
2014
|
issue 6
EN
The article presents the political and intellectual silhouette of Václav Havel (1936–2011) – the last president of Czechoslovakia and the first one of the Czech Republic. Havel, the next to the Pole Lech Wałęsa, is the world renown symbol of the political turning point of 1989 that ended the world communist system. Before 1989, during the communist age, Havel was a dramatist, essayist and leader of Czechoslovak anticommunist and democratic dissident movement. He was strongly persecuted by the ruling communists, and while living under a permanent supervision of the security services and he was many times arrested. In 1989 Havel became a president of democratic Czechoslovakia and after dissolving of this state, in 1993, he was elected as a the first president of the new Czech Republic, holding the office by 10 following years. Havel was very untypical politician and president. He has played rather the role of an intellectual for whom politics is a matter of changing reality not by political decisions, but as a result of impact the on world by ideas and views. To follow Thomas Garrigue Masaryk example, the founder and first head of Czechoslovak state, clearlyadmired by Havel, he has tried to conduct of non-political politics. In this model politics becomes a practical applying of ethics and most important within it is not a power or state procedures and mechanisms, but men’s good and faithfulness to the truth. Václav Havel went down in the history as one of the greatest political figures of the second half of the last century.
PL
The article presents the political and intellectual silhouette of Václav Havel (1936–2011) – the last president of Czechoslovakia and the first one of the Czech Republic. Havel, the next to the Pole Lech Wałęsa, is the world renown symbol of the political turning point of 1989 that ended the world communist system. Before 1989, during the communist age, Havel was a dramatist, essayist and leader of Czechoslovak anticommunist and democratic dissident movement. He was strongly persecuted by the ruling communists, and while living under a permanent supervision of the security services and he was many times arrested. In 1989 Havel became a president of democratic Czechoslovakia and after dissolving of this state, in 1993, he was elected as a the first president of the new Czech Republic, holding the office by 10 following years. Havel was very untypical politician and president. He has played rather the role of an intellectual for whom politics is a matter of changing reality not by political decisions, but as a result of impact the on world by ideas and views. To follow Thomas Garrigue Masaryk example, the founder and first head of Czechoslovak state, clearly admired by Havel, he has tried to conduct of non-political politics. In this model politics becomes a practical applying of ethics and most important within it is not a power or state procedures and mechanisms, but men’s good and faithfulness to the truth. Václav Havel went down in the history as one of the greatest political figures of the second half of the last century.
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.