Search results - CEJSH

1

Some European roots of the personality cult phenomenon – the attempt of comparative approach

100%

Żyromski M.

Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej

|

2019

|

issue 13

7-29

PL

Zadaniem niniejszego artykułu jest próba podejścia porównawczego do zjawiska kultu jednostki, które stanowiło cechę charakterystyczną trzech systemów politycznych o charakterze totalitarnym, które rozwinęły się w Europie po pierwszej wojnie światowej, a mianowicie Włochy pod rządami Benito Mussoliniego, nazistowska Trzecia Rzesza oraz stalinowski Związek Radziecki. Stąd też po ogólnej prezentacji zjawiska kultu jednostki w tych trzech systemach politycznych o charakterze totalitarnym, dokonano analizy czterech kwestii. A mianowicie: tak zwane „produkty kultu”, metody używane w propagandzie kultu jednostki, funkcje kultu jednostki oraz postawy samych totalitarnych przywódców w stosunku do kultu jednostki skoncentrowanego na ich osobach.

EN

The aim of this article is an attempt of comparative approach to the personality cult phenomenon, which formed the distinctive feature of three totalitarian political systems developed in Europe after the first world war, namely Italy during the rule of Benito Mussolini, Nazi Third Reich and the Stalinist Soviet Union. And so, after some general presentation of personality cults centered on three leaders of these totalitarian political systems, four general questions had been analyzed. These were as follows: some so-called “cult products”, some methods used in the cult’s propaganda, some functions of the cult of personality and finally some attitudes of totalitarian political leaders toward the cult of personality.

2

Udział 2. Oddziału WOP w akcji propagandowej podczas referendum ludowego (w świetle akt Wojsk Ochrony Pogranicza)

98%

trojanowski M.

Studia Zachodnie

|

2014

|

vol. 16

107-116

PL

Działalność 2 Oddziału Wojsk Ochrony Pogranicza na terenie Ziemi Lubuskiej nie ograniczała się jedynie do ochrony granicy państwa. Brał on również czynny udział w akcjach politycznych. Przykładem zaangażowania WOP w działalność polityczną był udział w akcji propagandowej przed referendum ludowym. Komuniści do akcji propagandowej przed głosowaniem zaangażowali wszystkie możliwe środki, w tym Wojsk Ochrony Pogranicza. Krośnieńska Jednostka WOP prowadziła akcję propagandową/ agitacyjną na terenie powiatów: Słubickiego, Krośnieńskiego oraz Gubińskiego. Na tym terenie działało 32 grupy propagandowe pograniczników. 2 Odział WOP zorganizował również na podległym sobie terenie grupy ochraniające przebieg referendum. Praca propagandowa nie dała jednak oczekiwanych rezultatów i wyniki musiano sfałszować. Wypracowane metody podczas referendum zostały następnie dopracowane i ponownie zastosowane podczas wyborów do Sejmu.

EN

The activity of the Wojska Ochrony Pogranicza was not connected only with protection of borderlands. Those troops also participated in political actions. For instance, they were involved in propaganda before national referendum. Communist engaged all possible resources before voting including the WOP. WOP’s unit from Krosno carried out propaganda and agitation in following districts: Słubice, Krosno and Gubin. Thirty-four propaganda groups of WOP were working in that area. The Second Unit of WOP additionally arranged squads which were responsible for protecting the course of voting. The campaign did not yield the expected effect therefore votes were rigged. Methods which were worked out during the referendum were improved and then applied in the parliamentary elections.

3

Propaganda „antyklerykalna” na łamach prasy Pomorza Zachodniego do 1956 roku. Z dziejów walki władzy komunistycznej z Kościołem katolickim w Polsce

98%

Urbanowicz A. A.

Język. Religia. Tożsamość

|

2016

|

issue 2(14)

145-159

EN

In years 1945-1956 in subsequent political and propaganda campaigns the communist press tried to undermine the authority of the Catholic clergy in the society. The article presents the involvement of the local West Pomeranian press in such campaigns. It points out that during the subsequent campaigns this press tried to prove that the criticism of the clergy was not the fight against the religion. It was constantly emphasised that the Catholic faith enjoyed full freedom in the People’s Republic of Poland. The charge of lack of patriotism and subordination to directives from Vatican was levelled against the Church hierarchy and the part of the ordinary clergy. The Holy See was presented as the enemy of the Polish state and nation and as the ally of German revisionists challenging the Polish western border. In 1953 the authorities considered the Primate Stefan Wyszyński as their main opponent in the country.

4

Kampanie i strategie propagandowe towarzyszące budowie muru berlińskiego

98%

Matkowska E.

Oblicza Komunikacji

|

2016

|

vol. 9

95-109

EN

The article deals with propaganda campaigns connected with the construction of the Berlin Wall. Propaganda activities assisted the police operations which were aimed at the separation of the east sector from the west sectors of Berlin. These activities took place before, during and after the operation 13, August 1961. In the first part of the paper I describe the prior campaign on the basis of daily newspaper „Neues Deutschland”, the main press organ of the political party SED. The two dominating topics are related: „the human trafficking” and the people regularly crossing the sector border. Refugees became the main topic of the campaign due to the constant mass outflow of people (from 100 to even 300 thousand people fled through West Berlin annually). The fake story, common in the soviet Stalin era, tells about western agents recruiting and trading citizens of the GDR to the West. They were denominated by the propaganda as „head hunters” or „human traffickers”. The people regularly crossing the sector border became the inner enemy. They lived in the eastern sector and worked in the western sectors which resulted in higher revenue. By manipulating the aroused feeling of jealousy the propagandists turn the group into a scapegoat. They accuse them of lack of merchandise and of offences. To put an end to these activities the border had to be closed. The closer to the day of the operation, the more aggressive and hysteric becomes the campaign. The culminant events are the „show trials” at the end of July 1961 during which the assumed „human traffickers” are sentenced to prison. The second part of the article deals with post campaigns which aimed at integration of the citizens within the borders of the DDR.

5

Współczesne wymiary konfrontacji informacyjnej

98%

Daniluk P.

Rocznik Bezpieczeństwa Międzynarodowego

|

2014

|

vol. 8

|

issue 2

36-51

EN

This article attempts to isolate and characterize the complexity of the contemporary information war and warfare. The analysis of technological evolution in the field of information is based on the impact of the periods of economic development specified by A.D. Chandler. The first period was based on the dominance of the press and the film. This is the time associated with the First World War. The second period consists in the rapid development of radio and is associated with the interwar period and the time of World War II. The last, contemporary period, is related to the dominant role of television and the internet. This is the time of the Cold War and the transformation of the contemporary international security. There are three main groups of actors of the informational confrontation: state and governmental institutions, business branding companies and social organizations. Finally, the article proposes capturing the complexity of researching the information war.

PL

W artykule podjęto próbę wyodrębnienia i scharakteryzowania złożoności problematyki współczesnej konfrontacji informacyjnej. Analizę ewolucji technologicznej w obszarze oddziaływania informacyjnego oparto na okresach w rozwoju gospodarczym, wyodrębnionych przez A.D. Chandlera. Pierwszy okres dotyczy dominacji prasy i filmu jako środka oddziaływania informacyjnego. Jest to czas związany z I wojną światową. Drugi stanowi niebywały rozwój radiofonii i jest związany z międzywojniem i II wojną światową. Ostatni, współczesny okres, związany jest z dominującą rolą telewizji i Internetu. Jest to czas zimnej wojny i obecnych przeobrażeń na międzynarodowej arenie bezpieczeństwa. W artykule wyodrębniono trzy zasadnicze grupy aktorów sceny konfrontacji informacyjnej, za które uznano: instytucje państwowe, firmy wizerunkowe oraz organizacje społeczne. Opisano krótko ich rolę we współczesnych konfliktach politycznych i zbrojnych poprzez kreowanie oraz dystrybuowanie informacji. Część końcową artykułu stanowi propozycja ujęcia złożoności problematyki konfrontacji informacyjnej.

6

Rama interpretacyjna „pandemii COVID-19” a wybrane zasady propagandy politycznej – propozycja zestawienia zakresu użyteczności

98%

Bartoszewicz M.

Acta Politica Polonica

|

2020

|

vol. 50

|

issue 2

65-74

EN

Frequency of the interpretative frame of “COVID-19 pandemic”, and thus its impact on global and national public opinion, has increased since January 2020 to such an extent – that today it is difficult to imagine any TV news where the receiver will not hear a word about the coronavirus. The main objective of the article is to provide an analytical report of the utility of the “COVID-19 pandemic” frame with four selected principles for the imple- mentation of propaganda projects. In the first part of the study the essence of propaganda was characterized. The second and third parts of the article analyse the usefulness of the COVID-19 pandemic framework for implementing selected principles of political propaganda. The last part of the study includes a summary.

PL

Częstotliwość występowania ramy interpretacyjnej „pandemia COVID-19”, a co za tym idzie – jej wpływ na światową i krajową opinię publiczną – wzrosły od stycznia 2020 roku tak dynamicznie i wyraźnie, że dziś trudno wyobrazić sobie wydanie jakiegokolwiek serwisu informacyjnego, w którym odbiorca nie usłyszy ani słowa o koronawirusie. Za podstawowy cel artykułu uznano zestawienie analityczne zakresu użyteczności „ramy pandemii COVID-19” z czterema wybranymi zasadami realizacji przedsięwzięć propagandowych. W pierwszej części opracowania scharakteryzowano istotę zjawiska propagandy, natomiast w drugiej i trzeciej część artykułu przedstawiono analizę użyteczności ramy pandemii COVID-19 dla realizacji wybranych zasad propagandy politycznej. W ostatniej części opracowania zawarto podsumowanie.

7

Kim był patriota w języku propagandy PRL? Analiza użyć leksemu patriota i jego derywatów w tekstach „Trybuny Ludu” z 1985 r.

98%

Kłosińska K.

Prace Językoznawcze

|

2020

|

issue XXII/4

57–72

PL

Pierwsza część tekstu stanowi krótkie omówienie pojęcia patriotyzmu – ukazuje je z różnych perspektyw poznawczych. W zasadniczej części zaprezentowana jest semantyczno- pragmatyczna analiza użyć leksemów patriota, patriotyzm, patriotyczny, patriotycznie w tekstach „Trybuny Ludu” z 1985 r. Jako metodę badawczą przyjęto analizę fasetową (aspektową), polegającą na wyodrębnieniu kategorii cech przypisywanych desygnatowi i ukazaniu ich charakterystyki w obrębie każdej kategorii. Celem analizy było wydobycie konceptualnego wariantu znaczenia leksemu patriota. Starano się przy tym wskazać na jego uwarunkowania wynikające z wymogów propagandy PRL (konieczność wypełnienia rytuału oraz perswazja przy nikłej wartości informacyjnej).

EN

The first part of the paper is a short discussion on the concept of patriotism – it The first part of the article is a short discussion on the concept of patriotism, presenting it from various cognitive perspectives. The main part of the text focuses on a semantic-pragmatic analysis of the Polish lexemes patriota, patriotyzm, patriotyczny, patriotycznie (a patriot, patriotism, patriotic, patriotically), which occurred in “Trybuna Ludu” in 1985. Facet (aspect) analysis, which was embraced as a methodological tool of the research, allows one to distinguish categories of features assigned to the designatum (referent) and characterize them within each category. The analysis aims to extract a conceptual variantof the meaning of the Polish lexeme patriota in the depicted context of requirements that the propaganda of the Polish People’s Republic had to meet (namely, the need to perform a ritual and persuade, while its informative value was low).

8

Propaganda osiągnięć spółdzielni produkcyjnych i państwowych gospodarstw rolnych na łamach czasopisma „Głos Szczeciński” do 1956 roku. Z dziejów komunistycznej indoktrynacji polskiego społeczeństwa na Pomorzu Zachodnim

98%

Urbanowicz A. A.

Przegląd Zachodniopomorski

|

2015

|

issue 1

125-143

EN

The article deals with the communist propaganda, which was supposed to convince the readers of the advantages of productive cooperatives and state agricultural farms during the period of intensive collectivisation of the Polish villages. ‘Głos Szczeciński’ was a newspaper that played a very special role in the communist propaganda in West Pomerania. The Polish community was indoctrinated there through a manipulated image of the reality presented in documentaries, commentaries and reports of the party’s and state’s bodies. The articles published in ‘Głos Szczeciński’ dealt with such problems as the creation of new cooperatives, the completion of production plans, work competition, the role of the party and the fight against the kulaks (Russian: кулáк).

9

Propaganda III Rzeszy w przeddzień XI. letnich Igrzysk Olimpijskich w Berlinie w 1936 roku (w świetle „Völkischer Beobachter” – naczelnego organu NSDAP)

98%

Stępiński M.

Przegląd Zachodniopomorski

|

2015

|

issue 3

9-42

EN

March 16th, 1933 is one of the most important dates in the history of the international Olympic Games movement and the Olympic Games themselves. It was on that day that the decisions concerning the planned 11th Olympic Games in 1936 were made in Berlin. The decision to confer the honour of organising the 1936 Olympics to the capita of the Weimar Republic was taken in May 1936. After January 30th, 1933 the Nazis inherited the Olympic Games from the Weimar Republic, the regime they sincerely despised. They saw the benefits resulting from using the Olympic Games as an instrument for propagating their own ideas. That is why they put aside their negative attitude towards the Olympic idea. The main organiser of the Olympic Games was not the Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda headed by Joseph Goebbels but the so called ‘Great Troika’ composed of Theodor Lewald, Karl Ritter von Halt and Carl Diem. The article presents the action taken by the newspaper ‘Völkischer Beobachter’, the official organ of the NSDAP; the newspaper made a considerable contribution to the great success of the Nazi Regime’s propaganda, which the 11th Olympic Games turned out to be long before the opening ceremony.

10

Kult przywódcy w III Rzeszy w filmie propagandowym Triumf woli

98%

Wichert W.

Przegląd Zachodniopomorski

|

2015

|

issue 3

79-106

EN

Propaganda was one of the most important spheres of activity for the national socialists in the Weimar Republic and the Third Reich. The central questions of the Nazi propaganda were racism, anti-Semitism, the ideology of an egalitarian national community, militarism and a pseudo-religious cult of Adolf Hitler. The specific feature of the Nazi indoctrination was its close connection with the new mass media, first of all with the film and the radio. The classical cinematographic productions under the sign of the ‘Hakenkreuz’ were the audio-visual documents from the NSDAP conventions, which took place in Nuremberg. The Triumph of the Will directed by Leni Riefenstahl depicts the party congress in 1934, i.e. when the totalitarian foundations of the Nazi regime were being built. The film – meant to be a propagandist instrument of the new rulers of Germany – presents the cult of Hitler as a charismatic leader and a political saviour of the German nation in a convincing way thanks to an appropriate film editing, the organisation of takes and the symbolism of light. The dictator filmed from below (a worm’s eye view) appeared much bigger, and the mass of the people gathered at the convention gave the impression of their smallness compared to the omnipresent Führer. The director of The Triumph of the Will also sought to show an emotional link between the Führer and his people and to underline the unconditional love for Hitler felt by the Germans. The film is still giving rise to controversy among researchers and historians, who even today are engaged in a discussion on its documentary and aesthetic values and the propagandist message in the spirit of the Nazi messianism.

11

Społeczne i polityczne życie BSSR w czasopiśmie „Bielaruskaja Rabotnіtsa i Syalyanka” („Białoruska Robotnica i Chłopka”) 1924–1939

98%

Korsak A.

Czasopismo Naukowe Instytutu Studiów Kobiecych

|

2018

|

issue 1(4)

154-167

PL

W tym artykule na przykładzie kobiecego czasopisma „Białoruska rabotnіtsa i syalyanka” [Białoruska Robotnica i Chłopka], badany jest proces odzwierciedlający społeczno-polityczne życie Białoruskiej SRR na łamach czasopism drukowanych. Korelacja chronologiczna między datą ustanowienia magazynu i pierwszego wydania publikacji – 1924. Końcowa data - 1939 - w międzynarodowym kontekście odpowiada początkowi drugiej wojny światowej i zjednoczeniu Zachodniej Białorusi z BSRR. Przeanalizowano ponad 90 numerów adekwatnych tematycznie z różnych lat. Analiza treści informacji magazynu „Białoruscy robotnicy i chłopi” wykazała, że w latach 1924 - 1939 redakcja magazynu zmieniała swoją koncepcję w podejściu do pokazywania życia społecznego i politycznego, jak również ukazywania roli kobiet, w zależności od sytuacji wewnętrznej i zewnętrznej – od kolektywizacji i industrializacji, likwidacji analfabetyzmu i polityki represyjnej do retoryki wojskowej związanej ze wzmocnieniem nazistowskich Niemiec i faszystowskiego bloku w latach 1933 – 1939.

EN

In this article, the example of the women's magazine "The Belarusian Worker and Peasant Woman" examines the process of reflecting the socio-political life of the BSSR on the pages of printed periodicals. Chronologically, the period is correlated with the date of the establishment of the magazine and the release of the first issue in the light - 1924. The final date - 1939 - in the international context corresponds to the beginning of the Second World War and the reunification of Western Belarus with the BSSR. More than 90 numbers with a thematic sample of different years are analyzed. An analysis of the information content of the magazine "Belarusian worker and peasant woman" showed that during 1924 - 1939, the editorial board of the journal changed its confession in the approach to public and political life coverage and, accordingly, the role of women in it, depending on the internal and external situation - from the processes of collectivization and industrialization, the fluffy visualization of illiteracy and repressive politics to military rhetoric associated with the intensification of Nazi Germany and the fascist bloc in 1933 - 1939 years.

12

Czy można wybaczyć Leni Riefenstahl?

98%

Hendrykowski M.

Kwartalnik Filmowy

|

2015

|

issue 89-90 Redefinicje klasyki

166-174

PL

Twórczość filmowa Leni Riefenstahl domaga się dzisiaj ponownego odczytania w kontekście jej miejsca w historii światowego dokumentu. Nie negując samej przynależności tych filmów do kanonu kina lat 30., autor przyprowadza krytykę dotychczasowego sposobu ich analizy i historycznofilmowej interpretacji w kategoriach sztuki filmowej. Jeśli film dokumentalny rozumie się jako mechaniczną rejestrację określonego wycinka rzeczywistości przed kamerą, to „Zwycięstwo wiary”, „Triumf woli” i „Olimpiada” zyskują status pełnoprawnych dokumentów. Problem w tym, że – zgodnie z klasyczną definicją Arystotelesa – ethos stanowi synonim wiarygodności. Usuwając z refleksji nad dokumentem perspektywę etyczną oraz kategorię prawdy, bezkrytycznie otwieramy drogę ekranowemu kłamstwu i niczym nieograniczonej manipulacji przekazem. Hendrykowski stawia pytanie o to, czy historyk kina może całkowicie pominąć perspektywę etyczną omawianego dzieła, wpisując je w sferę tradycji kina i sztuki filmowej bez refleksji nad jego (nie)wiarygodnością. Autor uważa, że nie tyle same instrumenty badawcze, ile obrany sposób opisu, analizy i interpretacji integralnie łączy w sobie zagadnienia metodologiczne i etyczne, przed którymi staje badacz dziejów kina.

EN

Leni Riefenstahl’s films need to be reread in the context of their place in the history of documentary. The author does not negate the fact that these films belong to the canon of the cinema of the 1930s. However Hendrykowski critiques the way they were analysed and interpreted in the context of history of the cinema as belonging to the category of film art. If by a documentary we mean a mechanical recording of reality in front of the camera, then “The Victory of Faith”, “Triumph of the Will” and the “Olympia” gain the status of fully-fledged documentaries. The problem is that – according to the classical definition of Aristotle – the ethos is synonymous with credibility. By removing the ethical perspective and the category of truth from the reflection on documentaries, we thoughtlessly open the way to falsehood on screen and limitless manipulation of the message. Hendrykowski raises the question of whether a film historian can completely ignore the ethical perspective of the work discussed, thus placing it in the sphere of the tradition of film and cinematography without any reflection on its (un)reliability. The author believes that research instruments and the chosen type of description, analysis and interpretation integrally combine methodological and ethical questions that a film historian has to face.

13

PROPAGANDA I INDOKTRYNACJA W OCHOTNICZYCH HUFCACH PRACY (1958–1983): WYBRANE PROBLEMY

93%

Jackowski P.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

|

2015

|

issue 4(13)

146-163 (18)

EN

Voluntary Work Camps were a Polish social organization, the aim of which was to engage youngsters in helping with the national economy of the Polish People’s Republic. Besides that, the main goal of the VWC was to conduct propaganda and indoctrinate the young people that participated. VWC’s propaganda was based on publishing materials such as ‘Biuletyn Informacyjny’ and cooperating with youth magazines. The most com-mon technique used was to depict the idyllic everyday life of the VWC, where youngsters could, of course, earn money, but also learn a profession, make friends and enjoy the time that they spent in the camp. Young people were indoctrinated during the classes and lectures, which were often led by a professional propagandist. During the course of those lectures they were inculcated with the social vision of the world and they praised the achievements of the Polish People’s Republic. ‘Spartakiads’ were a par-ticulary interesting way of indoctrination – these were sporting events thematically connected with the propaganda.

14

FAKE NEWS AS A WEAPON OF PERSUASION

93%

PEDRINI P. P.

Society Register

|

2019

|

vol. 3

|

issue 2

97-108

EN

Our study is qualitative research. It is a content analysis of more than 2,500 European and American posters of war propaganda identifying modern principles of persuasion and forms of discourse. The analysis of the themes demonstrates that the techniques used one hundred years ago to convince civilians to enlist had enormous potential for development to such a degree that they were adopted by modern political and commercial persuasion. Therefore, we can consider the propagandists of the Great War as modern spin doctors. The idea evolved after reading Propaganda (1928) by Edward Bernays, the nephew of Sigmund Freud. This is an astonishing book; it provides illuminating interpretations both for understanding of war propaganda – not just for the Great War – and for the commercial discourse of which Bernays became a promoting agent. During the Great War the propagandists used emotional and rational stratagems to convince volunteers to leave to the front. Among these, the fake news played an important role in the production of the posters that served to motivate and galvanize people to defend the ideals of the war. It was an organized disinformation action because, especially for American people, the war was very far in kilometres and in interest. Fake news has two different factors: wrong or unreasonable argumentations and false information used as premises. The success of the posters was that of moulding the agenda-setting and the opinion of citizens in order to increase the enlistment to defend the identity of the nation.

15

POLISH RADIO ON THE BACKGROUND OF SYSTEMIC CHANGES IN POLAND IN THE YEARS 1945-1956

93%

Kazimierski Z., Mielnik M.

International Journal of New Economics and Social Sciences

|

2019

|

vol. 9(1)

415-424

EN

The Polish Radio began its activity on the first of February 1925. On this day the first program of the Polish Radio technical Society was broadcasted. From then on, the radio accompanied Polish people in good and bad times. The years 1946 – 1956 were not so glorious. At that time, Polish radio became the propaganda tool for the PPR and from December 1949 the PZPR. These parties, mainly under the slogans of the reconstruction of the country from war damage and the struggle for peace, sought to Stalinize Poland on the model of the USSR. While studying those times, it should be stated that information and publication hardly existed because it was replaced by a hypocritical, brutal and intrusive propaganda. However, history of Polish Radio in those years should not only been described in critical way. At that time, many very important and socially necessary initiatives took place. Since the first year after regaining independence, more and more new broadcast stations have been launched in various regions of Poland. New programs were broad-casting more and more often, such as "Muzyka i Aktualności", in which various mes-sages were given with ease, interwoven with modern jazz music.

16

Propaganda in political strategy of the Czechoslovakian Communist Party during the first decade of the interwar Czechoslovak Republic

93%

Olejník M.

Acta historica Neosoliensia Vedecký časopis pre historické vedy

|

2021

|

vol. 24

|

issue 2

61-78

EN

Vital interest of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (CPC) in struggle to achieve political power was to make its program attractive to a broad masses of Czechoslovak population. The Marx-Leninism, which became an ideological base of CPC, presented itself as the only relevant ideology capable of establishing a “socially just” society. Revolution as a road of the Communist regime to impose its rule was presented as unavoidable, because it was in harmony with laws of social progress formulated by Friedrich Engels, Karl Marx and Vladimir I. Lenin. The essential role in spreading ideology of the Marx–Leninism, according to leadership of CPC had propaganda. Despite strictly formulated principles of the Marx-Leninist ideology, communist propaganda during the existence of Czechoslovak Republic morphed in dependence on changing political development. Vicissitudes of form and content of communist propaganda in monitored period are traced in submitted paper. An emphasis is given to, till now, unpublished archival documents, deposited in Slovak and Czech archives. Invaluable source offering insight to concrete workings of communist propaganda is a contemporary press, primarily periodicals Pravda Chudoby and Pravda, which represented ideological views of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. A relevant source of information are social democratic Robotnícke noviny, which monitored closely development of its main rival CPC. A literature dealing with various aspects with history of Czechoslovak Communist Party was used where it was suitable to complement events by a more general description.

17

The development of radio services in the Second Polish Republic. Social, strategic and political rationale

93%

Kaszuba E.

Społeczeństwo i Ekonomia

|

2014

|

issue 1 (1)

117-132

XX

In the Second Polish Republic, to about the mid-twenties, radio broadcasting was only a technical innovation. A fundamental change in this area was carried out by a private- state company Polish Radio, after a nation-wide state license for “broadcasting”, that is a radio for the masses, was granted to it, on August 18, 1925..Polish Radio launched the enduring native radio and began to realise a great project of development of radio services in the country. Stimulating the development of radio broadcasting, in addition to economic significance, gained social, strategic and political importance. Radio ensured the freedom of communication, therefore it could prove useful in supporting the process of unifying the newly recovered state and society and expanded the access of all social groups including an underprivileged social class because of poverty, illiteracy, living in remote areas and being removed from the centre in terms of advancement of civilization to the modern informative, educational and cultural medium. Moreover, Polish Radio was forced to respond to hostile propaganda broadcast by radio stations in neighbouring countries, mainly in Germany and Soviet Union and also in Lithuania. Finally, in terms of the development of radio services, the Second Polish Republic made considerable progress, creating a technical base from scratch and popularising radio among the masses.

18

Konflikt zbrojny polsko-czechosłowacki o Śląsk Cieszyński (styczeń–luty 1919) w polskojęzycznej prasie regionu

93%

Wnętrzak G.

Studia Interkulturowe Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej

|

2016

|

vol. 9

60-80

EN

The article shows the role of the Polish press in the military conflict between Poland and Czechoslovakia about Cieszyn Silesia that took place in January and February 1919. The press at that time was of key significance due to many reasons. One of them was that local politicians were often editors and journalists of these magazines. The author analyses the articles of particular press titles, not only those that were pro-Polish, but he also takes into account the Pro-Czechoslovak ones, associated with the Józef Kożdoń’s Movement. The author shows that the press had both an informational and propagandist function. He also points out the similarities and differences in the propagandist activity in the pro-Polish press, determined by the political affiliation of the particular magazine. The author presents the methods of the press propaganda, so that in specific local circles they played a role of the pro-Polish or pro-Czechoslovak factor.

19

Historia w służbie polityki? Historiografia Ziem Odzyskanych w pierwszej dekadzie Polski Ludowej

93%

Kurcewicz U.

Studia Politologiczne

|

2015

|

vol. 37

257-270

EN

After World War II, the Polish state borders were shifted to the west. Historically, the lands annexed by Poland, known as the Recovered Territories, have belonged to various states over the centuries. For this reason, the right of Polish people to these lands, as well as the “Polishness” of the territory, was called into question. The authorities of the People’s Republic carried out a large-scale propaganda campaign intended to prove their rights to these lands. Historians from various academic institutions joined in the campaign. Polish historiography of the first decade of the People’s Republic is frequently accused of being biased and “subservient” to the new government. The main objective of this article is to overthrow this stereotype. The author presents the history of scientific institutions concerning themselves with the problem of the Recovered Territories, profiles of prominent historians and the results of their research work on the history of Upper and Lower Silesia and Western Pomerania.

20

Threats to State Security in the Aspect of Disinformation

93%

Dukiewicz T.

Security Dimensions: International & National Studies

|

2021

|

vol. 37(37)

66-75

EN

Information in the aspect of security plays a significant role in influencing the spectrum of the functioning of the state. In today’s information chaos, information has become a tool of manipulation and disinformation, also used in the implementation of strategic goals of a given country. States can thus achieve their strategic goals because it is less costly, more difficult to detect, and allows some sort of manipulation of the rationale behind such actions. Such countries include countries for which democracy is only a concept. It can be indicated that information is a raw material that, in the process of manipulation and disinformation, becomes a kind of a tool that can be used in a targeted way. The issue of fighting disinformation is of key importance today.

Refine search results