Search results

1

Doświadczenie kobiet doznających przemocy - analiza trajektorii

100%

Gajek K., Katedra Pedagogiki Społecznej U. Ł.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Sociologica

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2012

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vol. 41

PL

Doznawanie przemocy jest upokarzające, niszczące dla ludzi i związków mię-dzy nimi, budzi cierpienie, nienawiść, chęć odwetu lub ucieczki, a konsekwencje tych doświadczeń widoczne są w życiu ofiar przez wiele lat. Narracje kobiet przebywających w ośrodku wsparcia dla ofiar przemocy w rodzinie nasycone są wydarzeniami niosącymi cierpienie. Doświadczenia trajektoryjne występują w trzech przenikających się wzajemnie przestrzeniach, w jakich konstruowane są narracje: przestrzeni związanej z rodziną pochodzenia („małe piekło”), przestrzeni własnej rodziny, rodziny prokreacji („gehenna”) oraz przestrzeni ośrodka wsparcia ( „męczarnia”). Rekonstrukcja doświadczeń biograficznych kobiet doznających przemocy pozwoliła na porównanie ich losów i charakterystykę typów przebiegu życia oraz odtworzenie procesualności zjawiska przemocy (jego uwarunkowań, przebiegu i konsekwencji), a także działań osób zaangażowanych w sytuację, z perspektywy uczestniczek zdarzeń. Istotnym elementem tej rekonstrukcji była analiza znaczenia sił ludzkich dla kształtowania się doświadczeń biograficznych narratorek.

2

Stalking w Polsce. Rozmiary-formy-skutki. Raport z badania nt. uporczywego nękania

89%

Siemaszko A., Woźniakowska-Fajst D., Gruszczyńska B., Marczewski M., Ostaszewski P.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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2010

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issue XXXII

45-80

EN

The phenomenon of stalking had not been studied extensively and the real scale, its forms, and consequences had remained unknown. For this reason, in December 2009, the Minister of Justice requested the Institute of Justice to conduct a research concerning stalking. It was performed by TNS OBOP in December last year on a representative, random sample of households. Over 10 thousand respondents were questioned in computer assisted telephone interviews. This is ten times more than in typical public opinion polls which undoubtedly increases credibility of the results. Every tenth respondent (9,9%) appeared to have experience stalking. This is more than expected. It these results were to be extrapolated on the whole Polish population over 18 (and there are significant ground for such extrapolation as the sample was representative), it could be estimated that as much as 3 million of adult Poles have experienced stalking. In almost half of the cases, stalking happened repeatedly and 80% of victims experienced stalking within past five years. On the average, stalking lasted for less than a year, most often from a week to three months, but as much as 15% of victims were stalked for at least three years. Every fifth person declared they are still stalked at the moment. The most common methods of stalking were: spreading slander, lies and gossip (70% of responses), getting in touch with the aid of third parties (55%), threats or blackmail and “telephone persecution” (almost half of responses). Every third victim indicated also accosting or threatening family members, physical stalking (persistent following) and unwanted correspondence. It needs to be emphasised that stalking most often appeared in more than one form at a time (e.g. following – phone calls - getting in touch with the aid of third parties). As much as three quarters of victims regarded staling as serious, one third as very serious. These extremely high percentages prove that stalking is a considerable problem – almost a social one. This is confirmed by its effects declared by respondents. Almost 70% of victims experienced negative effects of stalking. More than a half reported psychological problems (depressed mood or depression, anxiety) every fourth physical ones (pains, aches, nausea, eating disorders). Because of these, 45% of the victims sought medical consultation which proves how serious the problems were. One third of the harmed declared financial or general consequences (cost of legal fees, need to change their lifestyle, change of telephone number, sometimes even change of residence). Although as expected most perpetrators were persons known by the victims (a current or ex-partner in every fourth case), a significant number of strangers needs to be reported (one quarter). Almost 40% of stalking victims asked for help, out of which only a half to prosecution organs – this is as little as 20%.

3

Postrzeganie kobiet w Korei Południowej przez pryzmat okupacji japońskiej w latach 1910–1945 – zderzenie konfucjańskiego porządku społecznego z sytuacją comfort women

88%

Oleksiuk M.

Historia i Polityka

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2020

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issue 31 (38)

PL

The social situation of women in contemporary South Korea should be considered through the prism of various events taking place in the past on the Korean Peninsula. Although the state is modern, there is still no full equality between the sexes, and the women are perceived as subordinate to men. The reason of status quo is worth considering. Certainly one of the factors that had significant impact on this phenomenon was the comfort women social situation during World War II and thus during the 1910–1945 Japanese occupation in Korea and after its end. The aim of the article is to show the relationship between comfort women and contemporary perception of women in South Korea. Surely not only comfort women situation but also Confucianism has had an influence on Korean society.

4

Kobietobójstwo - kryminologiczna charakterystyka zjawiska

71%

Grzyb M.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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2014

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issue XXXVI

75-107

EN

The Polish word for “femicide”, kobietobójstwo, is a composite of two concepts and words, viz. the English word femicide and feminicidio, a term used in the Spanish-speaking world. Femicide was initially a gender-neutral term and essentially referred to the killing of any woman regardless of circumstances, i.e. it did not need to be related to the social and cultural gender role of women or be driven by misogyny or contempt for the female condition. There is an ongoing debate as to whether the term “femicide” denotes any instance of a woman being killed or whether it should be limited to cases where the perpetrator is a man and/or where being a woman is a contributing factor. As the term “femicide” was introduced into academic discourse by feminists in the 20th century, it would seem obvious that the connection between a woman’s death and her sex and status is a fundamental component of the concept of femicide in a given community. Feminists proposed the term as an alternative to the neutral “homicide”, so as to emphasize the hateful and/or misogynistic nature of certain killings of women. Femicide was meant to be an example of a hate crime. Structural inequality and the inferior social standing of women are salient factors in any analysis of the cultural phenomena and practices that can be classified as femicidal. Femicide is not so much a separate manifestation of gender-related violence as an extreme one. It is a reproductive mechanism of the oppression of women and takes the form of various practices. As with all violence against women, femicide is deeply rooted in the historically unequal relations between the sexes and the systematic discrimination against women. Femicide should therefore be defined as the killing of women because they are women, but not necessarily by men. This definition is close to the views that Rashida Manjoo, the UN Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women, expressed in her report of May 2012. Manjoo enumerates femicidal practices that she refers to as “gender-related killings of women.” The list includes both intentional (direct) killings of women committed by specific perpetrators and practices that indirectly cause women to die because they are women. These practices stem from the unequal relations between men and women and the oppression of women. Femicide, then, denotes both murder and manslaughter. It could be said that in international and feminist discourse, femicide is regarded as a set of cultural practices with a common denominator around the world, viz. they all cause women to die because they are women. These practices are not limited to voluntary and involuntary killings of women, but include practices that often cause women to die because of their social and cultural conditions.

5

Kulturowa przemoc ze względu na płeć. Przypadek zabójstw na tle honoru

71%

Gutkowska A.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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2013

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issue XXXV

137-160

EN

Crimes related to the offender's cultural background are exceptional, and require special attention in many ways. Firstly, they come as far more shocking than the “typical” offences in a given society, due to their peculiar and infrequent nature. Secondly, as they are so much specific, they pose a serious challenge for law enforcement bodies, and it may seem that they are a significant problem for courts, who must face foreign and often culturally obscure situations and behaviour. This is also an important challenge for researchers, who try their best to define and, most of all, understand the mechanisms leading to such type of crime. The article discusses the specificity of honour killing, characterises the perpetrators and victims, and clarifies the motivational process of perpetrators, who often find themselves entangled in obligations enforced by cultural norms in a degree comparable to what their victims experience. The paper is also an attempt at analysis of the thesis widely found in the literature claiming that abuse towards women (irrespective of their cultural background and creed) stems from the patriarchal social structure, and should not be associated with any particular cultural system . The article claims that in order to properly analyse honour killing cases and create a possibly most effective system of preventing and countering the phenomenon, the expressions and sources of violence against women in different cultures must be precisely and unequivocally defined, and so must be the perpetrators' motivation. This clear division is necessary at the terminological level, to start with. This is why the article introduces the notion of “culture specific gender based violence”. Gender based violence itself is too broad a term to define such polarised cases as economic abuse of a wife by a husband, battering, or even marital rape and honour killing. Classifying honour killings as gender-based violence only, without precise identification of the sources behind such violence, is a dangerous practice, as - in consequence - opinions emerge equalising infringement of women's rights in the western world with those experienced in honour-based cultures or Muslim societies . The claim that women suffer the same violence regardless of culture or creed is not true. There is a dramatic difference between Christian background cultures, which nurture basic human rights, and honour cultures or Muslim communities, in the manner they treat women, and in the extent of socially accepted repression if they infringe the norms. What is even more, without changing the cultural rules or interpretation of religious rules, the position of women who are facing honour killings cannot improve. This is due to the fact that it is the culture and religion, or to be more precise, some elements of those, or instrumental use of those, that are at the source of this type of violence.

6

Prawne możliwości walki ze zjawiskiem stalkingu - czy w prawie polskim konieczna jest penalizacja prześladowania?

71%

Woźniakowska-Fajst D.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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2009

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issue XXXI

173-208

EN

The article concerns the phenomenon of stalking, or emotional persecution. It also presents legal solutions concerning stalking in the countries where this type of behavior is penalized, and includes a discussion of the advantages and disadvantages of criminalization of stalking in Poland. In contrast with the admiration, stalking is a behavior which a victim does not wish. Stalking is an English verb denoting a quiet human or animal tracking in order to capture or kill. In accordance to the definition of an American psychologist J. Reid Meloy, stalking is a form of malicious and repeated harassing and annoying of another person which increases his or her feeling of threat. Stalking, just like domestic violence, and mobbing are classified as so-called "emotional violence", by which we understand “interference in the psyche of another person directed against his or her emotions, resulting both immediate and delayed negative effects”. Emotional violence is never a single event. Stalking most often exhibits in such behaviors as: calls, silent calls, night calls, wandering in the vicinity of victim's home, making contact through a third party, questioning about the victim in his or her surroundings, persisting at the door / home / work, sending letters, e-mails, text messages, and gifts, placing postal orders in victim's name, tracking and following the victim, slander (distributing false information and rumors), burglary to victims house or car, stealing victim's belongings, harassing victim's family and friends, as well as attacking and assaulting them. The main problem with providing an adequate legal protection to a victim of a stalker lies in the fact that some of these behaviors are criminal, and some are not prohibited by law, nevertheless if repeated, they carry severe consequences for the victim which cannot be counteracted by means of criminal law. The tragedy of stalking victims lies in the fact that a persecutor may intimidate his victims and force them to change habits and plans, to live in constant fear. Stalker often causes huge mental suffering through actions which, under Polish law, are legally indifferent. What is also important is that actions of a stalker do not have to result from his or her wrongful intentions or desire to annoy the victim (in many law systems malicious intention of the stalker is a sine qua non for criminalization of stalking). Sometimes the persecutor acts with good intentions (the desire to win the love of a loved one), nevertheless behavior of the stalker is frightening for the victim. Results of a study taken to estimate the scale of stalking differ between countries where such studies have been conducted. This discrepancy is probably influenced by the definition assumed by researchers, research methodology, sample size and selection, but also by the different temperament of the inhabitants of these countries.

7

Kryminologiczno-epistemologiczne i genderowe aspekty przestępstwa zgwałcenia

71%

Płatek M.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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2010

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issue XXXII

345-378

EN

According to government information from November 2010, only 8% of committed sex crimes are reported in Poland. In 90% of cases, the perpetrators remain unpunished. Taking into account the statistics for 2009, 6,700 cases of sexual violence show the scale of the problem. The article tries to investigate the reasons of such situation. How does it happen that in a legal order, which since 1932 is based on extremely modern approach to the crime of rape, it remains in practice so often unpunished? The reasons of this are seen in the accepted procedure of prosecution, on the motion of the injured. This procedure results from the fact that provisions from 1932 have been accepted as they were, without a deeper reflection or analysis of the state of affairs of the time. What was acceptable in the criminological-epistemological and dogmatic perspective then, has been accepted by the legislator at present. This leaves a question why regulations from 1932 are still in force at present, with the detriment to the victims. In seeking an answer to this question, a methodology provided by feminist jurisprudence is assumed. The text also explains the very notion of feminist jurisprudence and gender analysis of law. The method allows to notice the elements earlier neglected by the law and to explain why corruption of the perpetrator reaches the victim. The development of feminist jurisprudence over the past three decades has contributed to significant enrichment of the theory of law in many countries and has led to many reforms of criminal law, including changes to the regulations concerning the rape of crime. Taking feminist criminology and feminist jurisprudence into account allows to consider the causes of placing joint responsibility for rape on a victim. It allows to demonstrate that what is hidden under the euphemism of morals and morality is also supported by laws and does not result from tradition as much as from the influence of contemporary law. The accepted procedure of prosecution of the crime is a significant element of this process. Assuming a gender perspective introduces a perspective of experiences and values essential for women to the analysis of language, evaluation and events, although it is not limited to this. The text, while analysing the determinants of regulations concerning rape, questions the basic axioms of criminal law dogma pertaining to neutrality and objectivity of criminal law. The example of regulations on rape proves that both axioms in fact sustain a loss to the benefit of the interest of the legislator who has a greater tendency to identify with a perpetrator than with a victim. The text analyses various perspectives of justifying accepted norms and indicates that higher arguments at each time serve to justify current interests. Using instruments of gender analysis of law here as well, reader’s attention is drawn to the perspective resulting from the experiences and values presented by women.

8

Obowiązki nakładane na osoby skazane z art. 207 § 1 k.k. w orzecznictwie sądów rejonowych

71%

Wrona G.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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2011

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issue XXXIII

213-225

EN

The article contains an analysis of district court sentences which included protective and re-straining orders under article 72§1 of Polish Criminal Code (hereinafter referred to as PCC) on perpetrators of harassment punishable under article 207§1 of PCC. Because of the character of the crime of harassment, the main part of the article concerns orders of refraining from contacts with victims and of leaving the common place of residence. The article contains analysis and conclusions of a research of cases which ended in a decree absolute in 2008 – 2009 and concerned prosecution under article 207§1 of the Code. The research, completed in 2010, was conducted in eleven district courts, all of them subordinate to different courts of appeals. The results of the research show a significant divergence in the manner of sentencing restraining orders throughout the country. One may notice the extremes of the approach, particularly as far as the order of leaving the common place of residence is concerned. As a result, the courts use such opportunity only in a few percent of the cases where such orders can be sentenced. It is hard to speak of any line of sentencing with such a small number of cases. Meanwhile, the legislator amended the Act on Family Violence Prevention with the view on the duties imposed under article 72§1 of PCC. As a result of this amendment, two changes were introduced. The first consisted in distinguishing correctional and educational actions in section 6a. The second concerned the order of refraining from contacts with the victim in section 7a of the said article which was extended by adding a restraining order of staying away at a minimum distance from the victim. At the same time the legislator did not take into account the doubts expressed by the doctrine about possibility of successful enforcement of orders under sections 7a and 7b (order to leave the common place of residence). The conclusions of the article concern the necessity of more frequent interpretation of duties under article 72§1 sections 7a and 7b PCC by the courts and, as a consequence, of es-tablishing a uniform and consistent judicature in sentencing such restraining orders. It is sug-gested that this can be achieved if the guidelines by Polish Attorney General on preliminary proceedings in family violence cases include an instruction for the prosecutors to apply to courts for such restraining orders. This way, the courts of law will be obliged to take a stance on such motions and a chance to standardise the manner of sentencing them will arise.

9

Europejskie badanie przemocy uwarunkowanej płcią (GBV) – zagadnienia metodologiczne badań pilotażowych

54%

Gruszczyńska B., Więcek-Durańska A.

Biuletyn Kryminologiczny

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2019

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issue 26

32-38

EN

Research on gender-based violence (GBV) is an important tool for assessing the scale of crime, especially the phenomenon of violence. International studies to date have focused primarily on violence against women. The first of these, IVAWS (International Violence Against Women Survey), was intended as a challenge to scientists, law enforcement agencies and NGOs. Another European study on violence against women was conducted by the FRA (Fundamental Right Agency). Eurostat is currently planning a new GBV study, which is more comprehensive because violence against women and men will be considered. This study faces new methodological challenges. The GBV project covers various forms of violence, from domestic violence to violence at work, online, mobbing, etc. The first stage is the so-called pre-test, and the pilot was implemented in several EU countries, including Poland. Basic research is planned for 2022 in all European Union countries. The basic GBV research tool is a questionnaire whose questions include the intensity of various types and forms of violence against women and men. In the interpretation of the results, especially in an international perspective, attention should be paid to the differences in the perception of violence by victims, as well as in the scale of reporting violence. The differences also concern the causes, forms and consequences of violence. How can discrepancies in the size and conditioning of gender-based violence be assessed? This article presents methodological issues and experiences related to the implementation of these pilot studies.

PL

Badania na temat przemocy ze względu na płeć GBV (Gender-Based Violence) są ważnym narzędziem do oceny skali przestępczości, zwłaszcza zjawiska przemocy. Dotychczasowe badania międzynarodowe dotyczyły przede wszystkim przemocy wobec kobiet. Pierwsze z nich, IVAWS (International Violence Against Women Survey), stanowiło wyzwanie dla naukowców, organów ścigania i organizacji pozarządowych. Kolejne europejskie badanie przemocy wobec kobiet zostało przeprowadzone przez Agencję Praw Podstawowych (Fundamental Right Agency – FRA). Obecnie planowane jest przez Eurostat badanie GBV o szerszym zakresie, dotyczącym zarówno przemocy wobec kobiet, jak i mężczyzn. Jest to jednocześnie nowe wyzwanie metodologiczne. Projekt Eurostatu obejmuje różne rodzaje i formy przemocy, od przemocy domowej po przemoc w pracy, w sieci, mobbing itp. Pierwszym etapem był tzw. pretest oraz pilotaż realizowany w kilku państwach UE, w tym także w Polsce. Badanie podstawowe jest planowane na 2022 r. we wszystkich krajach Unii Europejskiej. Podstawowym narzędziem GBV jest kwestionariusz ankiety. Pytania obejmują m.in. intensywność różnych rodzajów i form przemocy wobec kobiet i mężczyzn. W interpretacji wyników, zwłaszcza w perspektywie międzynarodowej, należy zwrócić uwagę na różnice w postrzeganiu przemocy przez ofiary, a także w jej zgłaszaniu. Różnice dotyczą również przyczyn, form i konsekwencji przemocy. Jak właściwie ocenić rozbieżności w rozmiarach i uwarunkowaniu przemocy w ramach płci? W artykule przedstawiono zagadnienia metodologiczne i doświadczenia związane z realizacją badania pilotażowego. Research on gender-based violence (GBV) is an important tool for assessing the scale of crime, especially the phenomenon of violence. International studies to date have focused primarily on violence against women. The first of these, IVAWS (International Violence Against Women Survey), was intended as a challenge to scientists, law enforcement agencies and NGOs. Another European study on violence against women was conducted by the FRA (Fundamental Right Agency). Eurostat is currently planning a new GBV study, which is more comprehensive because violence against women and men will be considered. This study faces new methodological challenges. The GBV project covers various forms of violence, from domestic violence to violence at work, online, mobbing, etc. The first stage is the so-called pre-test, and the pilot was implemented in several EU countries, including Poland. Basic research is planned for 2022 in all European Union countries. The basic GBV research tool is a questionnaire whose questions include the intensity of various types and forms of violence against women and men. In the interpretation of the results, especially in an international perspective, attention should be paid to the differences in the perception of violence by victims, as well as in the scale of reporting violence. The differences also concern the causes, forms and consequences of violence. How can discrepancies in the size and conditioning of gender-based violence be assessed? This article presents methodological issues and experiences related to the implementation of these pilot studies.

10

Przemoc wobec kobiet i reakcja policji w perspektywie międzynarodowej

54%

Gruszczyńska B.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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2008

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issue XXIX-XXX

99-112

11

Profil sprawcy, profil ofary. Przestępstwo współżycia z osobą małoletnią poniżej 15. roku życia

54%

Dziewanowska M.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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2012

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issue XXXIV

367-399

EN

The purpose of this article is to present results of an examination of judicial records of cases relating to the article 200 of Criminal Code in two judicial districts. It is essential to construct a profile of a perpetrator and a profile of a victim of this offense, particularly in those cases committed by young people. Also, if possible, to answer a question whether the present legal regulation is adequate to control minors’ sexual activity. Interesting issues are the age difference between the perpetrator and the victim, the existence (or not) of some close relation between them, and also the impact of those factors on the decision of a court. Equally important are reasons of reporting the cases to law enforcement, the basis for initiation of criminal proceedings and final sentences. The objective of this study was also to check whether the reduction of age of consent or the introduction of “close in age exception” would reduce the number of convicted young offenders, who were participants of consensual sexual relations with minors under 15 years old. The analysis of data obtained is carried out in the context of socio-cultural acceptance of sexual behavior of youth, legal regulations of protection of their reproductive health, the impact of media and information technologies, as well as the history of childhood and perception of children’s sexuality. Non-criminal-law factors have very significant impact on the knowledge young people have, on the sexual needs they have, and finally implementation of those in everyday life. This study is part of the doctoral thesis analyzing the problem of sexual offenses committed by or against minors, partly illustrating the phenomenon and the problems arising from the criminal law regulations of sexual behavior of young people. This research is not representative for the whole country, because of the limited geographical scope, but allows to draw relevant conclusions and confirm or deny previously constructed hypotheses. It is also possible to prediagnose emerging problems and to present the potential legal solutions, currently existing in other countries, both in Europe and worldwide.

12

‘We condemn abusing violence against women’. The criminalization of domestic violence in Poland

54%

Grzyb M.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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2020

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issue XLII/1

163-183

PL

One can often hear Polish politicians saying there is no violence against women in Poland, since Polish men respect their women and women hold a strong position in Polish culture. The conviction rates for domestic abuse in Poland are indeed low, though the attrition rates are high. Every year, for approximately 75,000 registered cases of domestic violence, there are roughly 10,000 convictions. Most of the prison sentences are conditionally suspended. Protective orders or other punitive measures are seldom handed down. There is a visible reluctance on the part of the criminal justice system to punish and correct domestic abusers. One of the reasons is that domestic abuse provisions in the Polish Penal Code (Article 207 of the Polish Penal Code from 1997) criminalises a very different behaviour than is defined in the Counteracting Family Violence Act from 2005. Another, possibly even greater, reason is the culture of sentencing (both in general and of domestic abuse) within the Polish judiciary and the very strong conservatism of Polish decision-makers and society. The protection of family values by legislators and the judiciary is often enforced at the expense of the victims’ right to life and to a life free from violence. This article discusses the Polish system for preventing domestic violence, which was set up in 2005 and the construction and jurisprudence of crime described in Article 207 of the Polish Penal Code. In particular, the question of culpability raises many problems when it comes to prosecution. First, we must compare Article 207 with the definition of ‘family violence’ specified inthe Counteracting Family Violence Act and the Istanbul Convention. Then, I will explain how such an understanding and interpretation of Article 207 translates into the dynamics of sentencing and penal decision-making and the virtual ineffectiveness of both penal provisions (the lack of deterrent effect) and the system of counteracting family violence designed by lawmakers. Powszechnie przyjmuje się, że art. 207 kodeksu karnego kryminalizujący znęcanie się nad najbliższymi osobami jest formą kryminalizacji przemocy domowej w polskim ustawodawstwie karnym. Jednak czy tak jest w istocie? Gdy Polska ratyfikowała konwencję stambulską (Konwencja Rady Europy ws. zwalczania przemocy domowej i przemocy wobec kobiet, CETS 210) w 2015 r. uznano, że nasze ustawodawstwo odnośnie do przemocy domowej spełnia wymogi konwencji, jeśli chodzi o zintegrowane, kompleksowe i skoordynowane ogólnokrajowe strategie obejmujące środki mające na celu zapobieganie wszelkim formom przemocy objętych zakresem konwencji. Pod względem ścigania aktów przemocy domowej uznano, że art. 207 jest wystarczającym instrumentem prawnokarnym, by zadośćuczynić wymogom konwencji. W artykule przedstawię polski system przeciwdziałania przemocy w rodzinie ustanowiony w ustawie z 2005 r. oraz zarysuję wzajemne relacje między systemem z ustawy o przeciwdziałaniu przemocy w rodzinie a regulacjami prawnokarnymi, a dokładnie to, czy zachowanie stypizowane w art. 207 k.k. pokrywa się z ustawową definicją przemocy w rodzinie. Te relacje bardzo wyraźnie obrazują liczby, które pokazują, że państwo polskie nie jest specjalnie responsywne na przemoc domową, a owa niska responsywność tylko po części wynika z niedoskonałych przepisów prawa, a w ogromnej części z pewnej inercji podmiotów stosujących prawo, archaicznej wykładni znamion omawianego przestępstwa i braku woli politycznej.

EN

One can often hear Polish politicians saying there is no violence against women in Poland, since Polish men respect their women and women hold a strong position in Polish culture. The conviction rates for domestic abuse in Poland are indeed low, though the attrition rates are high. Every year, for approximately 75,000 registered cases of domestic violence, there are roughly 10,000 convictions. Most of the prison sentences are conditionally suspended. Protective orders or other punitive measures are seldom handed down. There is a visible reluctance on the part of the criminal justice system to punish and correct domestic abusers. One of the reasons is that domestic abuse provisions in the Polish Penal Code (Article 207 of the Polish Penal Code from 1997) criminalises a very different behaviour than is defined in the Counteracting Family Violence Act from 2005. Another, possibly even greater, reason is the culture of sentencing (both in general and of domestic abuse) within the Polish judiciary and the very strong conservatism of Polish decision-makers and society. The protection of family values by legislators and the judiciary is often enforced at the expense of the victims’ right to life and to a life free from violence. This article discusses the Polish system for preventing domestic violence, which was set up in 2005 and the construction and jurisprudence of crime described in Article 207 of the Polish Penal Code. In particular, the question of culpability raises many problems when it comes to prosecution. First, we must compare Article 207 with the definition of ‘family violence’ specified inthe Counteracting Family Violence Act and the Istanbul Convention. Then, I will explain how such an understanding and interpretation of Article 207 translates into the dynamics of sentencing and penal decision-making and the virtual ineffectiveness of both penal provisions (the lack of deterrent effect) and the system of counteracting family violence designed by lawmakers.

13

Bezpieczeństwo kobiet w Afganistanie — analiza skuteczności gwarancji prawnych wprowadzanych po 2001 roku

51%

Sadowa K.

Studenckie Prace Prawnicze, Administratywistyczne i Ekonomiczne

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2015

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vol. 17

131 - 147

EN

The situation of women in modern Afghanistan is far for stable. Not only the violations of their basic rights are very common, but also the cruel practices of violence against them, i.a. baad, baadal, so-called honor killings, self-ignitions or proclivity to punish women for zina or running away are often committed. Simultaneously, there are law gaps limiting the effectiveness of legislation, lack of respect for guaranteed rights and ineffectiveness of actions towards protection of women’s rights. Undoubtedly, it is necessary to take further, prompt steps both by Afghan Government and respective non-governmental organizations to protect Afghan women from cruel practices and to ensure their basic rights, safety and the worthy life.

14

Po wykładzie wysłuchanym na stojąco. Strategie uciszania głosów żydowskich studentek wobec getta ławkowego

51%

Judzińska N.

Autobiografia. Literatura. Kultura. Media

|

2020

|

vol. 14

|

issue 1

275-291

EN

In my article I propose an outline of a comparative analysis of two disciplinary proceedings initiated against students of the Mathematics and Natural Science Faculty of Stefan Batory University in Vilnius, Rywka Profitkier and Estera Tajc, before the introduction of the so-called ghetto benches. Two female students refused to subordinate to the student practice at that time, and did not take a seat on the left side of the lecture hall. Hence, they both listened to the lecture standing between the benches. I will situate my analysis in the context of the events of the entire 1936/1937 academic year, in which the university was closed for almost three months due to the anti-Jewish violence. The sources consist of the documents of two disciplinary proceedings based on events that occurred only one day apart, but most importantly, they took a similar course. However, due to the different strategies chosen by the female students, the sanctions imposed on them for not subordinating to the practice of taking seats assigned to Jews at the time were significantly different.

PL

W swoim artykule przeprowadzam analizę porównawczą dwóch postępowań dyscyplinarnych wszczętych przeciwko studentkom Wydziału Matematyczno-Przyrodniczego Uniwersytetu Stefana Batorego w Wilnie, Rywce Profitkier i Esterze Tajc, jeszcze przed wprowadzeniem getta ławkowego, które nie chcąc podporządkować się ówczesnej praktyce studenckiej, nie zajęły miejsca po lewej stronie sali wykładowej, a w końcu wysłuchały wykładu, stojąc pomiędzy ławkami. Analizę swoją osadzę w kontekście wydarzeń całego roku akademickiego 1936/1937, w którym to uniwersytet był zamknięty przez prawie trzy miesiące z uwagi na przemoc antyżydowską. Materiałem badawczym będą dokumenty dwóch postępowań dyscyplinarnych, których podstawą były zdarzenia mające miejsce w odstępie zaledwie jednego dnia, lecz, co najważniejsze, wydarzenia te miały podobny przebieg. Ze względu jednak na różne strategie obrane przez bohaterki sankcje, które spotkały je za niepodporządkowanie się ówczesnej praktyce wydzielania miejsc studentom i studentkom żydowskim, były znacząco odmienne.

15

Przemoc domowa wobec kobiet

51%

Zboina B., Wieczorek I.

Acta Scientifica Academiae Ostroviensis. Sectio A, Nauki Humanistyczne, Społeczne i Techniczne

|

2013

|

issue 1

319-343

PL

Przemoc wobec kobiet jest ważnym problemem społecznym. Dotyka różnych środowisk i niestety nadal bywa w wielu przypadkach skrywana przed otoczeniem. Tym bardziej należy zabierać w tej kwestii głos. Przemoc wywołuje bolesne skutki zarówno w sferze fizycznej, jak i psychicznej ofiary. Osoby takie należy otoczyć pomocą, ale warto również zgłębiać wiedzę na temat przemocy. Artykuł ukazuje przyczyny, rodzaje i skutki przemocy wobec kobiet. Przy tej okazji zwrócono także uwagę na fazy przemocy, osobowość sprawcy i czynniki wywołujące przemoc. Wskazano również na formy pomocy kobietom.

EN

The violence against women is a vital social problem. It concerns various environments and, unfortunately, is in many cases hidden from the environment. That is one, it is crucial to speak about it. The violence brings painful results both in the physical and psychological spheres of the victim life. These people should be taken care of, however, the knowledge concerning this issue should be enlarged. The article shows the reasons, types and results of violence against women. Moreover, the phases of violence, the personality of the offender and the factors causing violence are discussed. Various forms of help for women are also presented.

16

Przemoc domowa wobec seniorów na obszarach wiejskich Zachodniej Polski – charakterystyka zjawiska w relacjach starszych kobiet, ofiar przemocy domowej

51%

Terelak A., Kołodziejczak S.

Wychowanie w Rodzinie

|

2023

|

vol. XXX

|

issue (4/2023)

81-110

EN

Aim. The article presents the results of research on domestic violence (PD) against older people. The research was carried out within the framework of the West Pomeranian system of counteracting domestic violence, and its main problem axis is the image, the perpetrators, and the consequences of the phenomenon, as revealed in older women’s accounts of PD, as formulated by those experiencing it, as well as the family relations between perpetrators and victims. Methods and materials. In order to achieve the research objectives, an approach appropriate to grounded theory was adopted, characterised by “not imposing” any conceptual categories related to domestic violence on the research participants. The study was carried out using a focus group interview technique amongst 48 elderly women who are both victims and witnesses of domestic violence. All participants in the study are residents of rural areas of one of the municipalities of Western Pomerania. Results and conclusion. The application of the qualitative paradigm made it possible to see: 1) the complexity of relations relationships between family members: perpetrators, victims, and also witnesses of violence; 2) the multidimensionality of the forms of violence. Both of these dimensions, in the process of analysis, revealed a complex of factors creating the conditions constituting the characteristic status of the “senior-victim” in a family with a problem of violence. The cognitive space of the experience of violence is formed by nine analytical categories emerged in the procedure of coding the empirical material.

PL

Cel. Artykuł przedstawia wyniki badań nad przemocą domową (PD) wobec osób starszych. Badania realizowane są w ramach zachodniopomorskiego systemu przeciwdziałania przemocy w rodzinie, a ich główną oś problemową stanowią: obraz, czynniki sprawcze oraz konsekwencje zjawiska, ujawniające się w relacjach starszych kobiet na temat PD, formułowanych przez osoby jej doświadczające, a także na temat stosunków rodzinnych między sprawcami a ofiarami. Metody i materiały. Dla realizacji zamierzeń badawczych przyjęte zostało podejście właściwe teorii ugruntowanej, cechujące się „nienarzucaniem” uczestnikom badania jakichkolwiek kategorii pojęciowych związanych z przemocą domową. Badanie zostało zrealizowane techniką zogniskowanego wywiadu grupowego wśród 48 starszych kobiet, będących ofiarami, a także świadkami przemocy w środowisku domowym. Wszystkie uczestniczki badania są mieszkankami obszarów wiejskich jednej z gmin Pomorza Zachodniego. Wyniki i wnioski. Zastosowanie paradygmatu jakościowego pozwoliło dostrzec: 1) złożoność relacji między członkami rodzin: sprawcami, ofiarami, a także świadkami przemocy; 2) wielowymiarowość form przemocy. Oba te wymiary w procesie analizy ujawniły kompleks czynników tworzących warunki konstytuujące charakterystyczny status „seniora-ofiary” w rodzinie z problemem przemocy. Przestrzeń poznawczą doświadczeń przemocy tworzą następujące kategorie analityczne wyłonione w procedurze kodowania materiału empirycznego: cechy ładu społecznego sprzyjające wykluczeniu seniorów, dysfunkcjonalne wzorce życia rodzinnego, degradacja statusowa osoby starszej, instrumentalna orientacja życiowa w pokoleniu młodych, katalizujące występowanie przemocy: sukcesja i nałogi w rodzinie, niezapewnienie koniecznej opieki, eksploatowanie osób starszych, naruszanie poczucia godności osób starszych, marginalizowanie osób starszych.

17

Helping to Make Fundamental Rights a Reality for Everyone in the EU: From the Treaty of Rome to the Fundamental Rights Agency

51%

Bednarczyk B.

Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe

|

2017

|

issue 4

53-73

EN

Simultaneously with the entry into force of the EU Lisbon Treaty on December 1, 2009, many of the alleged weaknesses of the mechanisms of protection of fundamental rights are in the process of being addressed: the Charter of the Fundamental Rights of the European Union has acquired binding force; the European Union is due to accede to the European Convention of Human Rights and the Fundamental Rights Agency was established as a European Union body in charge of monitoring the correct implementation of fundamental Rights throughout the Union. When the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU became legally binding in 2009, the Fundamental Rights Agency was the first EU body with competence stretching across the whole Charter. FRA was tasked to provide the EU institutions and Members States with “assistance and expertise”, particularly through the collection of “objective, reliable on comparable information on the development of the situation of fundamental rights”. This paper will focus on a single aspect – what impact the EU enlargement had on human rights through its special agencies. For this purpose, we will take a close look at the EU Fundamental Rights Agency. We will address the issue concerning the role being played by the European Union Fundamental Rights Agency as an advisory body, issuing opinions on various aspects of fundamental rights within the Union on EU’s and Member States’ requests. The 10th anniversary of the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights coinciding with the 60th anniversary of the Treaties of Rome seems to be a good moment to look back at what the Agency has done with an objective and critical eye, and identify areas where it should do more and better respond to the challenges, it faces.

PL

Unia Europejska zapewnia ochronę praw podstawowych, uznając ją za jedną z ogólnych zasad prawa wspólnotowego. Choć pierwotnie traktaty ustanawiające Wspólnoty Europejskie nie zawierały wyraźnych odniesień do praw człowieka, to jednak ich poszanowanie jest wartością wspólną dla wszystkich państw członkowskich Unii Europejskiej. Wraz z wejściem w życie traktatu lizbońskiego nastąpiło wzmocnienie ochrony praw podstawowych w UE. Odwołując się do postanowień art. 6 TUE, stworzył on dwie płaszczyzny ochrony praw jednostki: unijną i międzynarodową. Pierwsza ma charakter wewnętrzny i opiera się na dwóch metodach ochrony w oparciu o Kartę Praw Podstawowych, druga ma szerszy charakter i dotyczy ochrony praw podstawowych w oparciu o dotychczasowy schemat, czyli o zasadę ogólną prawa unijnego. Na mocy traktatu Karta Praw Podstawowych uzyskała wiążący charakter. Tym samym może stanowić samoistną podstawę ochrony praw podstawowych w zakresie, w jakim ich naruszenie pozostaje w sferze stosowania prawa unijnego. Przedmiotem niniejszych rozważań jest próba ukazania roli i znaczenia Agencji Praw Podstawowych Unii Europejskiej (Fundamental Rights Agency, FRA), jednej z trzydziestu czterech agencji unijnych. FRA jest organem podlegającym reżimowi prawa unijnego, jednakże różnym od instytucji takich jak Rada, Parlament Europejski czy Komisja, a odrębność ta uwidacznia się szczególnie w posiadaniu przez nią osobowości prawnej. Podobnie jak inne zdecentralizowane organy wspólnotowe, ustanawiane na mocy aktów prawa pochodnego, FRA powołano pierwotnie w celu wykonywania konkretnych zadań w ramach dawnego I fi laru Unii Europejskiej. W trakcie swojej dziesięcioletniej działalności Agencja Praw Podstawowych była i jest traktowana przez państwa członkowskie oraz społeczność międzynarodową jako instytucja wkomponowana w mechanizm europejski, chroniąca i upowszechniająca wiedzę o prawach podstawowych, wspólnej wartości uznawanej i akceptowanej obecnie przez społeczność tworzącą Unię Europejską.

18

Równość płci i przemoc wobec kobiet. Próba wyjaśnienia tzw. paradoksu nordyckiego

45%

Grzyb M.

Archiwum Kryminologii

|

2018

|

issue XL

221-261

EN

According to the prevailing assumption, the main cause of violence against women isa structural inequality between men and women. That idea is common in internationalhuman rights discourse, widely accepted on political level and enforced by severalscientific studies. The structural nature of violence against women means that it isgender-based violence and one of the crucial social mechanisms by which womenare forced into a subordinate position compared with men. It is a manifestationof historically unequal power relations between men and women which have led todomination over, and discrimination against, women by men, and have prevented fulladvancement of women.Logically thinking, achieving gender equality would lead to the elimination ofviolence against women. Respectively, in societies with greater gender equality, wherewomen enjoy better rights, have a better footing towards men, greater legal protectionand access to power, they also should be less vulnerable to violence based on theirgender. The most gender-equal countries in the world are Scandinavian countries –Sweden, Norway, Iceland, Denmark and Finland.Yet, the recent EU-wide victimisation survey on violence against women (FundamentalRights Agency 2014) produced startling results. It turned out that the highestrates of violence against women (in almost every single aspect, intimate partner violenceand non-partner violence) were reported in the Nordic countries, particularly in Sweden,whereas countries considered traditional and conservative, e.g. the Mediterraneancountries or Poland, revealed a lower prevalence of violence against women. The FRAresults on Scandinavian countries were coined the “Nordic paradox”.The main problem is this: is really gender equality a factor reducing or increasingthe likelihood of violence against women’s victimisation? Is the subordinate positionof women typical of more conservative societies a protective factor against violenceagainst women? And are actually the FRA study results sufficiently reliable to drawsuch conclusions?The first section of the paper discusses the FRA results regarding the Scandinaviancountries and presents it against a larger picture of gender equality indicators. Thenext section examines the possible explanations for differences between countriesoffered by the authors, which are mainly methodological and contextual ones, such as:cultural acceptability to talk with other people about experiences of violence againstwomen, higher levels of disclosure about violence against women in more gender-equalsocieties, patterns of employment or lifestyle or levels of urbanisation, differencesbetween countries in the overall levels of violent crime and drinking habits in particularsocieties.The third section reviews the previous research findings, looking at the relationshipbetween gender equality or women’s status and violence against women. There are twochief hypotheses tested in the studies: the ameliorative hypothesis (violence againstwomen will fall along with greater gender equality) and the backlash hypothesis (ifwomen remain in their subordinate position, men are less threatened and less likely toresort to violence against them). Overall, the studies showed mixed results, dependingon the used measures. Furthermore, most of the them were conducted on the US data,and their application to the European context is doubtful.The final section presents some theoretical explanations from the critical sociologyfield. The three most relevant theories suitable to explain the “Nordic paradox” andthe relationship between gender equality and relatively high rates of violence againstwomen include the variety of patriarchy theory of G. Hunnicutt, the hegemonic masculinities of R.W. Connell and J. Messerschmidt and the symbolic violence ofP. Bourdieu. All of these theories critically frame the use of violence by men as a meansof upholding their superior position towards women.

19

Udział polskich kobiet w misjach pokojowych i stabilizacyjnych

45%

Szubińska B.

Bezpieczeństwo Obronność Socjologia

|

2014

|

issue 2

25-29

20

Criminal law of Bosnia and Herzegovina on human trafficking

38%

Bilić D.

Przegląd Europejski

|

2021

|

issue 4(62)

65-82

EN

The author of this article explores the question, what is human trafficking. In order to answer this question, definitions of human trafficking are examined, as well as the causes, types of trafficking, recruitment strategies, and the significant problems in conquering human trafficking internationally. Trafficking in human beings affects all regions and most countries of the world. According to official data, Bosnia and Herzegovina is a transit country, but certain reports indicate that it is becoming a country of origin and destination. In order to exemplify the issue of human trafficking on the concrete case study, there is further exploration of how the law of Bosnia and Herzegovina defines it, and how approachs to this problem. Taking into account the increase of human trafficking in the world, especially among countries in transition, it is extremely important to find effective solutions for the prevention of such cross-border criminal activity.

PL

Autor niniejszego artykułu zgłębia pytanie, czym jest handel ludźmi. Aby odpowiedzieć na to pytanie, analizuje definicje handlu ludźmi, a także przyczyny i odmiany tego zjawiska, strategie „rekrutacji“ ofiar oraz istotne problemy w zwalczaniu handlu ludźmi na arenie międzynarodowej. Handel ludźmi dotyczy wszystkich regionów i większości krajów świata. Według oficjalnych danych, Bośnia i Hercegowina jest krajem tranzytowym, ale niektóre raporty wskazują, że coraz częściej staje się też krajem pochodzenia i przeznaczenia. W celu zilustrowania problemu handlu ludźmi na przykładzie konkretnego studium przypadku, przeprowadzono badanie dotyczące tego, w jaki sposób prawo Bośni i Hercegowiny definiuje to przestępstwo i w jaki sposób podchodzi do zwalczania tego problemu. Biorąc pod uwagę wzrost handlu ludźmi na świecie, zwłaszcza wśród krajów znajdujących się w okresie przejściowym, niezwykle ważne jest znalezienie skutecznych rozwiązań w zakresie zapobiegania transgranicznej działalności przestępczej tego typu.

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