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EN
Since the turn of the 1960s, Talcott Parsons’ social thought has met with criticism that his image of society is conservative inasmuch as he places consensus and systematic concept formation over and above conflict and ‘sociological imagination’. The hidden agenda in this criticism is political: the charges are that Parsons supposedly disavows democracy in his implicit or explicit knowledge aim, and that his sociology presumably makes society function even at the expense of freedom of the individual. Here the author argues that these accusations cannot stand if archival materials such as lecture notes, correspondence, and unpublished memoranda are taken into account. She claims that Parsons in his sociology conceptualised society from the standpoint of the real world of the day, including the major historical confrontations from the 1930s to the end of the 1970s. The first such scenario and the earliest confrontation that his work faced was in the era of the New Deal and the Second World War as the Anglo-Saxon democracies fought the racist imperialism of Nazi Germany; his ‘middle phase’ from the 1950s to the mid-1960s coincides with the Cold War at its height, the standoff between the capitalist United States and the communist Soviet Union; and his ‘late oeuvre’ has yet another agenda, namely the Watergate Affair, but also the struggle for racial equality and university reform in the United States. In his theoretical positions and in his opposition to his critics, Parsons defended liberal democracy against the powerful social and intellectual forces that put it to the test.
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PL
W artykule przedstawione są sposoby definiowania przez socjologów swoich społecznych ról w latach 1945–89. Definicje te nie były stałe, lecz ewoluowały wraz ze zmianą warunków społeczno-politycznych, dlatego też wprowadzono periodyzację uzasadnioną zdarzeniami historycznymi. Analizowano także, jaka była faktyczna możliwość uprawiania socjologii w tym okresie, sposobów w jaki socjologowie neutralizowali swój udział w budowaniu reżimu, a także technik uników i „legalnej krytyki” sytemu. Materiałem badawczym są wypowiedzi znanych socjologów na łamach prasy oficjalnej oraz w publikacjach książkowych z tego okresu, w których precyzują swoje stanowisko w następujących kwestiach: funkcja socjologii i zadania socjologa w państwie socjalistycznym oraz miejsce socjologii wśród innych nauk i doktryn politycznych.
EN
The paper analyzes the roles adopted by Polish sociologists from 1945 to 1989, i.e. until regaining sovereignty by Poland. Sociologists in Poland are assumed to have constituted a heterogeneous group, representing various attitudes towards the political system: active legitimating of the system, passive consent, objective expert or demonstrating a critical attitude towards the system or its elements. Depending on the adopted attitude, Polish sociologists defined their intellectual role differently in public discourse. Their definitions changed, rather than remained fixed, as the sociopolitical conditions transformed. The following issues are also discussed: whether the actual practice of Sociology was possible during that period, the ways in which sociologists neutralized their participation in building the regime, and the techniques of evasion and “legal criticism” of the system. The research material includes comments made by well-known sociologists in the official press and book publications from that period, in which they specify their attitudes towards the following matters: the function of Sociology and the tasks of a sociologists in a socialist country, and the position of Sociology among other sciences and political doctrines.
PL
Public education is educating influence of wide range media on political beliefs, worldviews and patterns of the everyday life of the audience, and of the potential electorate. The public intellectuals (the Henry A. Giroux concept), significant and respected experts (academics, journalists, politicians) play a special role. The article contains the presentation and analysis of the reaction of American public intellectuals to the election of Donald Trump as President of the United States – from the perspective of critical-emancipatory pedagogy. These are extremely critical to the consequences of D. Trump's choice: Ken Wilber's, Henry A. Giroux’s, Noam Chomsky’s, and several authors in the Berkeley Review of Education 2017/1 publications and speeches are recalled. The author concludes that Poland no longer has to imitate America, because in authoritarian drift (turn) it is ahead of it.
PL
Celem tekstu jest prezentacja strategii, w oparciu o którą Anne Applebaum stara się przybliżać zachodniemu odbiorcy historię Europy Centralnej i Wschodniej. W artykule autorka przedstawiona została jako dziennikarka i intelektualistka, która wypracowała oryginalny sposób mówienia oraz pisania o przeszłości Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej. Ukazano ją jako swoistego mediatora, który usiłuje wytłumaczyć istotę oraz źródła różnorodnych tożsamości oraz narracji ukształtowanych wśród narodów i kultur Europy Centralnej i Wschodniej. Przedstawione zostały także wybrane oceny jej aktywności, prezentowane zarówno przez historyków, jak i opinię publiczną.
EN
The text aims to present the strategy used by Anne Applebaum to bring the history of Central and Eastern Europe closer to western audiences. In the article, the author was presented as a journalist and public intellectual who developed an original way of speaking and writing about the past of Central and Eastern Europe. She has been portrayed as a kind of mediator who attempts to explain the essence and sources of the diverse identities and narratives that have formed among the nations and cultures of Central and Eastern Europe. Selected assessments of her activity, formulated by historians as well as public opinion leaders, were also presented.
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