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EN
In the article prepared on the basis of the analysis of “family stories” various forms of women’s presence in the public sphere of small local communities are discussed. Principal conclusions of those analyses concern: 1) culturally conditioned tendencies to masculinize the “public” family history; 2) a necessity to take into account different forms of non formalized activities when researching women’s activity in the public sphere; 3) a need to modify research tools applied for the analysis of women’s civic activity; 4) the postulate to take into account the concept of endogenous development in social programmes concerning the activization of women.
EN
The article focuses on the online communication on Polish Facebook and Twitter around issues related to mortgage loans in Swiss francs. Based on 20k posts retrieved from both Facebook and Twitter, we found the most active actors and the most common topics appearing on those micro-public spheres. It was revealed that actors with institutional affiliation and those who are not affiliated discuss different problems and share dissimilar content related to Swiss franc debts. It was also found that certain categories of actors may influence online discussions on both social networking sites by promoting specific content in order to pursue their institutional interests. Finally, the diversity of topics and problems discussed by the two categories of actors identified on Facebook and Twitter suggest that Swiss franc mortgage holders are a good example of “connective action” with no clear identity or community traits that led to favourable judgment of the European Court of Justice. 
EN
The quest for a decent political order in many societies is imperative today because of the heterogeneous nature of our social existence and the complexity of our ever increasing socio-economic and political experiences. Since the public sphere is a domain of freedom exemplified by dialogical engagements, the outcome of such encounter must involve the intelligible thoughts of all discussants with the sole aim of dealing with the concerns and commanding the commitment of all to the decisions reached. In this study, it is argued that Deweyan democracy as an alternative theory of rational inquiry is relevant for engaging the present sordid condition of many Africans democratic practice and policy outcomes. As a rational procedure, it is averred that John Dewey􏱄s emphasis on epistemic properties of democratic discourse makes the proceduralist account of democracy superfluous and exposes the weakness of the content of democratic discourse in political actions and decisions. The study also contend that given the consensual state of Dewey’s epistemic thought, Jurgen Habermas theory rather than expanding the space of epistemic democracy stifled it because of his insistence on the force of a better argument in the resolution of conflicting concerns of dialoguers. The study therefore, argues for Dewey􏱄s democracy as an alternative mode of political order since it does not undermine the views of the citizens but gives room for the activation a certain set of attitude that can challenge prevailing opinions and accepts the views that do not embrace conventional wisdom􏱈a procedure that is necessary for the growth and development of our democratic space.
EN
The article is focused on the constructing of national identity by the authorities of the Republic of Tajikistan by using such elements located in the public space of Tajik cities as monuments or billboards. Referring to certain values and historic symbols, they serve to build a specific vision of the Tajik nation and its history. For example, one of the key characters of national narration is the Iranian ruler Isma’il Samani (9th/10th century), today promoted as the “father” of the Tajik nation. Of course, some of these concepts appeared as early as the Soviet era or directly after the collapse of the USSR, but now they are of specific nature, connected with the social and political situation of the country. Using Manuel Castells’ terms, the analysed national identity may be referred to as legitimising – serving to consolidate the current power and domination.
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Prawo i etyka - dwa bieguny

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EN
Business ethics is usually seen as set of communicates addressed to representatives of the sphere of economy. Meanwhile this attitude towards the kind of knowledge seams to be false. There are two points which justify this opinion. First of them concerns the relation between legal and ethical perspectives useful to evaluate business phenomena. Both axiological systems (in indicated background) are complementary to one another. It tends to the second argument. The relation between low and ethics makes necessary to indicate the public sphere as the place, where managers together with citizens and politicians – day by day – take part in debate about rules of social and economic correctness each of them.
EN
There has been a long-standing discussion in Poland about the efficient and effective functioning of the social welfare and integration system. The transformations it has been undergoing for years in connection with the possibilities of benefiting from the EU funds and as a results of its attempted reforms and rationalisation demonstrate that the issue of professionalising the social worker profession is actually of little interest to anybody, despite the fact that this is a regulated profession with quite a strong presence in the current scientific discourse. If performed in a professional manner, methodical social work is a very important tool which may significantly contribute to increasing the efficiency and effectiveness of social interventions, thereby improving the quality of the public sphere in this segment. In this context, an important role is played by evaluation, understood as analysing the value of a specific action – with reference to social projects and programmes. Of particular importance here is the latest generation evaluation, which makes use of action research, thereby increasing the chances to raise the level of social participation and simultaneously reduce the problem of social exclusion. On the other hand, it is necessary to note the crucial role that evaluation may play in reinforcing and sustaining the professional identity of social workers, especially in the face of the constant changes and reforms of the social welfare system.
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Remarks on network public theory

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EN
This paper is a trial of capturing of a relation between traditional public sphere atrophy and the augmentation of a network public sphere. A thesis is advanced that the traditional public sphere is subject of the atrophy, however, the entire network public sphere is subject of the augmentation process. Such a formulated thesis forces a choice between two following issues. The first of them regards a relation between factors, which stimulate the atrophy and the augmentation. The second issue regards a role played by social media in the network public sphere. Considerations included in the paper are based on the public sphere theory of J. Habermas and on the M. Castells’ network society theory.
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The text develops further the author’s previous article Theatre of Immediate Intervention in Theoretical Recognition. In presenting the stage performances which follow the previously defined formula, she analyses the means of theatrical expression. Furthermore, she demonstrates how theatre invents the ways to comment on such contemporary social problems as homelessness, the situation of Polish soldiers returning from Iraq, working conditions in large production plants, or the situation of tenants evicted by the new housing estate owners. These stage productions often become theatrical events, engaging public opinion and launching a real intervention into the life of the community. Additionally, the author attempts to situate the “theatre of immediate intervention” in contemporary theatre and in public sphere.
EN
This paper is devoted to selected aspects of the concept of socio-political life, as emerging from the texts by authors affiliated with the Centre for Political Thought. It addresses some issues related to how these authors understand the State, and also discusses suggested reforms of the State, the limits of liberal democracy, and the relation between the State and civil society. Next, the paper goes on to discuss the views of the Centre for Political Thought authors on certain participants in public life: political parties and the media. Authors affiliated with the Centre are highlighting the need for strong State institutions that will be capable of pursuing specific policies. They are also stressing how important it is to develop such a governance model that could capture the essence of and define how to organise the Polish political community in such a way as to make it a value in itself for the citizens.
PL
Artykuł jest poświęcony wybranym elementom koncepcji życia społeczno-politycznego, wyłaniającej się z tekstów autorów publikujących w Ośrodku Myśli Politycznej. Autor omawia wybrane zagadnienia dotyczące sposobu rozumienia państwa przez omawianych autorów, propozycji jego reform, granic liberalnej demokracji oraz stosunku państwa do społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. Następnie prezentuje poglądy autorów związanych z OMP na temat wybranych uczestników życia publicznego: partii politycznych oraz mediów. Autorzy związani z Ośrodkiem akcentują potrzebę istnienia silnych instytucji państwowych zdolnych do realizacji ustalonej polityki. Wskazują na potrzebuje wypracowania modelu zarządzania, który określałby istotę polskiej wspólnoty politycznej i sposoby jej urządzenia, aby dla obywateli stanowiła wartość sama w sobie.
EN
This article discusses the copyleft concept in the context of peer production in the context of the changes that have taken place in the public sphere. As indicated by some studies (eg RD Putnam’s work), the traditional public sphere is in atrophy, and the dialogue between public actors has been transferred to the digital platform. This allows public actors to become independent of place and time, and the relative anonymity and allows them to change the role and scope of participation in public life. The dialogue takes place in the framework of the “new” public sphere and is reflected in the peer production process, which is based on a common pool of digital assets. Proper conduction of this process is dependent on institutional innovation, which is the copyleft concept. It is defined as a legal structure that gives the licensee or end user unrestricted right to use, modify and reproduce the work – in this case, a peer good, produced in the peer production process. In practice, this concept is a reversal of the basic purpose of copyright, the objective of reducing the possibility of using, modifying or copying of intellectual property. At the same time it uses copyright licenses through the appropriate wording for partner products. It is therefore a form of adaptation of existing institutional governance tools to new needs that have developed in parallel to the formation of the public sphere on the digital platform. The relationships between the “new” public sphere, producing peer production and the role played by the concept of copyleft implies the main objective of this study. It is the presentation of the idea of copyleft, and an indication of its practical application in the peer production process. An additional objective is to demonstrate the impact of the peer production process on a digital public sphere, particularly the exchange of digital information goods. The article discusses the peer production process and also the assumptions and the conditions in which it can take place. It also presents the causes of atrophy of the traditional public sphere and the need to adapt the tools of copyright protection in order to ensure public dialogue. The research studies are based largely on the example of the operating system GNU/Linux and knowledge repository – Wikipedia.org, through which the main assumptions of peer production are presented. The paper also points the practical importance of copyleft in this process and the effects it produces in the development of the relations between the actors of the public sphere. The authors have also analyzed the economic benefits of entities using the peer goods and applying copyleft licenses. This approach allowed to show the situations in which it is preferable to abandon copyrights rather than limit them. Considerations carried out in the article led to the following conclusions. First, the concept of copyleft allows shaping of social relations in the public sphere. Second, this relationships lead to the production of digital information goods, such as software and knowledge repositories. Third, the Internet eliminates restrictions on the choice of the role of the participants of the “new” public sphere. Finally, peer production affects the economy by increasing the overall efficiency due to the fact that it can be used by entrepreneurs to increase the profitability of the production process.
EN
For post‑communist states, which experienced programmative secularization of society, and are currently building civil society, the Western models of determining the place and role of religion in public sphere seem to be inadequate and simplistic. On the one hand, freedom of religion in this region symbolizes success of a new democratic order. On the other, the rapid pace of social, cultural and political changes causes dilemmas regarding the place of religion in public life, where religion is part of cultural, national and social identities. People are stretched between the freedom to be religious publicly, return to traditional religion and freedom of other choices. It therefore seems that, despite religious diversity and the presence of specific historical circumstances in individual countries, these societies share the perspective of determining the place of religion in the public sphere today, which is the basis of the specific features of religion in public life. The article presents an ovierview of observations and interpretations of characteristics of social practice to the presence of religion in the public sphere, which were distinquished on the basis of qualitative research conducted in Poland, Slovakia and Ukraine.
EN
The article presents the entitled fields in the framework of their mutual influence. The notion of the public sphere is valuable for understanding the role that civil society plays in transitional justice processes. However transitional justice often reduces the idea of civil society to NGOs and ignores the social movements and civic engagement in the public realm that can be perceived as integral to the creation of new cases for understanding justice in transition. This fact results in the lack of perception of the civil society place in transitional justice processes. Thus the presented paper is based on hermeneutics, critical discourse analysis and dialogue between various theoretical approaches.
EN
While the majority of British Muslim organisations established by the first generation of immigrants tend to work within the “ethnic colonies” and rarely take part in public debates, the organisations made up by an increasing number of the second generation critically and creatively engage in them. One of such organisations is the Muslim Council of Britain (MCB) that strives to represent interests of all British Muslims vis-ŕ-vis the government. The article analyses the efforts of the MCB to create Muslim public sphere and to influence the policies of the State. It proposes to think about the public sphere not as singular but as multiple public spheres in which members of different social groups or those with specialist interests discuss issues with one another and then compete to get their views on the political agenda. Thus, it sheds light on the diversity of the Muslim population in the country and the conflicts within it.
PL
Większość brytyjskich organizacji muzułmańskich założonych przez pierwsze pokolenie imigrantów działa głównie w obrębie „kolonii etnicznych” i rzadko bierze udział w debatach publicznych. Organizacje, w skład których wchodzi coraz większa liczba przedstawicieli drugiego pokolenia, kreatywnie i dynamicznie angażują się w tego typu debaty. Jedną z nich jest Muzułmańska Rada Wielkiej Brytanii (MCB), która dąży do tego by reprezentować interesy wszystkich brytyjskich muzułmanów w kontaktach z rządem. Niniejszy artykuł analizuje próby stworzenia przez MCB muzułmańskiej sfery publicznej i wywarcia wpływu na politykę państwa. Proponuje myślenie o sferze publicznej nie w liczbie pojedynczej, lecz w liczbie mnogiej, jak o rozmaitych sferach publicznych, w obrębie których członkowie różnych grup społecznych i specjaliści rozmawiają ze sobą, a następnie konkurują między sobą żeby ich opinie znalazły odzwierciedlenie w polityce państwa. W ten sposób rzuca światło na zróżnicowanie oraz konflikty wewnątrz populacji muzułmańskiej w kraju.
EN
In this article, I trace the changes in the literary and material representations of the indigenous peoples of North America within the British sphere of cultural production. As a first example, I will give an account of the episode of the “Four Iroquois Kings” envoy at Queen Ann’s court in 1710, focusing on the resonance of such a historical encounter in popular texts and iconographic material. As a second example, I analyze the popular story of Inkle and Yarico included in Richard Steele’s The Spectator in 1711, showing its impact on the early Enlightenment reflections on colonial trade. In my conclusion, I examine the role of American natives in the scholarly works of the Scottish Enlightenment, in order to show how they were used as comparable types for the observation of the roots of European civilizations thus justifying the construction of the British imperial hegemony both geopolitical terms and discursive practice.
EN
This article deals with the issue of civil activeness in a system of free market democracy. Participation in social and civil dialogue is a sign of citizens’ engagement and is considered here in the context of Jürgen Habermas’s theory of communicative action. The manifestations and consequences of the extant institutional arrangements are shown, as are the means of describing and explaining them in the Polish socio-political and economic context. The reflections presented here illustrate the weakness of the existing measures. Both the institutional structure and the theoretical tools used in Poland are imitative in nature and do not fulfil the practical expectations of either participants or researchers of civil dialogue.
EN
In this paper we analyze the nascent years of the Polish public sphere during the years before and after the 1905 Revolution. We assert that it was a moment of clash between, on the one hand, the intelligentsia and its de facto bourgeois vision of politics, and on the other a rising proletarian counter-public. The popular unrest initiated a massive upsurge of workers into the process of mass politics. As we argue, this situation shocked the elites, attached to their utopian vision of the Polish people, “enlightened” from above by the intelligentsia. Consequently, their reaction was ambivalent, if not reluctant. The intelligentsia’s attitude was growingly tainted with a conservative fear of the masses, which inhibited the development of plebeian constituencies and forms of political articulation. This posed a cornerstone for the future layering of the public sphere, leading to what we call its pathogenesis. It produced outcomes lasting for years, as well as a general contempt towards democratic demands resulting in the impossibility of collective bargaining about popular economic interests.
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EN
Mediatization is a process that is interesting to a researcher and political scientist for at least two important reasons. On the one hand, it becomes the area of scientific researches, inspirations and reflections, as it encourages to observe the changing frameworks, within which the political entities function, as well as the instruments and means used by them to complete tasks and achieve goals. However, on the other hand, mediatization is also a process which has impact on scientific environments, including also the community of political scientists, which seems to be a particularly interesting collective entity. This environment not only observes and describes the reality of mediatization, but also actively participates in its creation by means of diverse activities of researchers in the media. The author makes an attempt to indicate what are the implications of this media activity of researchers and what dilemmas it raises.
EN
The development of civil society has been one of the major aspects in Czech historiography. Nonetheless, we still know relatively little about how this process took place in rural Bohemia, as so far, studies have focused primarily on the urban milieu. This paper aims to examine the Agricultural Newspaper under the editor Filip Stanislav Kodym (1852–1861). This periodical was published as part of the activities directed at enlightening the rural inhabitants after the abolition of serfdom in 1848–1849 and successfully penetrated the rural population. Analysing the Agricultural Newspaper, this paper tries to demonstrate the genesis of a public sphere in rural Bohemia following the abolition of serfdom.
EN
This article focuses on changes in the public service broadcasting system of Estonia in the 1990s and 2000s. We present our vision of the paradigms changed and of principles in the structure of Public Sphere. We determined four periods of paradigm change: 1991–1994 the period of a new defining Public Service; 1994–1999 the period of enlargement and aggressive structuring of Broadcasting Field; 2000–2007 the period of stabilisation and from 2007 the period of restructuring Public Service Broadcasting. We present our arguments in support of these periods. We offer the study of Estonian Public Service Broadcaster as a model case, one option of development of PSB in the 1990s and 2000s. The empirical basis of the article relies on the results of analyses of radio and TV programmes and audiences carried out by the researchers of University of Tartu.
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