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Do Voters Read Gender? Stereotypes as Voting Cues in Electoral Settings

100%
Kukołowicz P.
Polish Sociological Review
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2013
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vol. 182
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issue 2
223-238
EN
In this paper, I examine the impact of voters’ stereotypes regarding candidate gender on their propensity to favour either male or female candidates to the parliament. I draw on two strands of literature: the proposition put forward by Huddy and Terkildsen (1993a) holding that candidate gender gives a rise to the emergence of stereotypes concerning their qualifications and stances on political issues, and Sanbonmatsu’s (2002) argument that such stereotypes breed voters’ preferences regarding their representatives’ gender. The link between gender stereotypes and voters’ gender preferences is examined in the context of Polish parliamentary election of 2005. I find out initial evidence suggesting that, indeed, stereotypes concerning candidate qualifications and beliefs, as well as a voter’s own gender, affect electoral preferences of Polish voters.
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Propozycje modyfikacji mechanizmu wyznaczania kwot krajów członkowskich Międzynarodowego Funduszu Walutowego

100%
Jurek M.
Gospodarka Narodowa. The Polish Journal of Economics
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2009
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vol. 230
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issue 3
89-113
EN
The author proposes a series of changes that he says should be made to the rules for setting member state quotas and voting power in the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The paper opens with a description of the current mechanism for setting member state quotas and voting power. Under the current system, a member’s quota in the IMFdetermines the amount of its subscription, its voting weight, its access to IMF financing, and its allocation of Special Drawing Rights (SDRs). The United States has exclusive veto power. A member state cannot unilaterally increase its quota-increases must be approved by the Executive Board and are linked to formulas that include many variables such as the size of a country in the world economy. The author comes up with a proposal on how this mechanism could be modified. He provides an evaluation of how the suggested changes would impact the voting power of both developed and developing countries. On April 28, 2008, the IMF Board of Governors approved a reform of the institution’s governance. The reform was intended to modify the quota and voting share structure in order to enhance the participation and voice of emerging-market and developing countries, and realign members’ shares with their relative weight and role in the global economy. According to Jurek, while these modifications have increased the transparency of the process during which member country quotas are calculated, they have changed little when it comes to the voting power of developing and developed states. In particular, the new rules preserve the right of veto enjoyed by the United States, Jurek notes, a privilege that the U.S. has used on a number of occasions to block reforms designed to weaken its own position within the IMF.
3
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Citizenship, Representation and Gender

100%
Fuszara M.
Polish Sociological Review
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2011
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vol. 172
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issue 4
367-390
EN
The political transformations of late 1980s and early 1990s marked a ‘new political opening’ for Central and Eastern Europe. In each country of the region, a new institutional order was built in its specific historical and cultural context. However, all countries disregarded the problem of gender balance in bodies of power. As a result, the share of women in descriptive representation shrunk considerably throughout the region. Initially, all countries had a low percentage of women at power but the situation began to diverge over time. This paper presents research findings from a study of women and men parliamentarians in Poland, Latvia and Macedonia, focussing on political representation and, in particular, on barriers which obstruct women’s more active involvement in the public sphere as well as actions, such as quotas, aimed to mainstream gender equality into politics. The problem of women’s participation in the legislature as well as barriers to women’s involvement turned out to bring in an interesting differentiation into gender equality discourses in the three countries under study.
4

Gender quotas and the problem with descriptive representation

88%
Mottlová M.
Human Affairs
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2015
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vol. 25
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issue 2
131-141
EN
The article focuses on descriptive representation, which is a fundamental theoretical concept underpinning the introduction of gender quotas. The main question I consider in the paper is how to overcome the essentialism of descriptive representation. I consider the essentialist line of reasoning as unsustainable because it pays little attention to differences among women. I claim that a possible and desirable solution is based on the concept of gender as seriality-by Iris Marion Young. Although women do not constitute a homogenous group, it is meaningful to talk about women as a group in some sense, specifically as a social collective. In this connection, I highlight the advantages of gender as seriality. Firstly and most importantly, it overcomes the essentialism of descriptive representation. Secondly, the concept of gender as seriality enables us to identify the barriers faced by women in politics. Finally, it highlights why quotas are legitimate tools that can be used to increase women’s political representation
5
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Česká republika v době uprchlické krize: spoluhráč, nebo solitér?

88%
Novotná M.
Politologická revue (Czech Political Science Review)
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2017
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issue 2
5-29
EN
This study interprets the approach of the Czech Republic towards refugees and Schengen under the current refugee crisis. Although these topics are assessed most differently by the Czech political elites, they share the emphasis on solidarity. Indeed, exploring the role of solidarity by Czech political elites is the core of this article. Theoretically, the study develops the concept of international solidarity developed by Coicaud and Wheeler (2008) which enables one to analyse the seemingly inconsistent combination of solidarity and interests as used and performed by the Czech government. At the same time, it fills in the gap in research on the empirical impact of solidarity. Methodologically, the article combines an analysis of the main actors’ visions and behaviour and of the political discourse. The findings indicate that the Czech government does not act purely egoistically. Indeed, the leaders of the Czech governmental parties consider the needs of others while simultaneously taking account of their own interests. Hence, their behaviour can be evaluated as ‘solidarity led by interests’.
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Kwoty na listach wyborczych w 2011 roku. Przedwyborcza debata zwolenników i przeciwników parytetów

63%
Łukasik-Turecka A.
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych
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2012
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vol. 4(40)
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issue 3
127-138
EN
Held in June 2009, the Women’s Congress gave rise to a civic project of an act that would guarantee the candidates in the parliamentary elections an equal share in the political representation on the electoral lists. This project evoked a medial debate on the issue of parity in political representation. The debate lasted for a year and a half, granting both sides enough time to presents their lines of argumentation. The supporters of the idea of parity focused on the notion of social justice, social benefits from the use the resource of women’s aptitudes and competences, and on covering by political action of those areas of social life that had already been ignored by men. The opponents, on the other hand, pointed out that the idea of parity meant another top-down, despotic intervention in the statistic figures relating to the Polish society. This social action was also claimed to cause the danger of a never-ending spiral of conflicted claims and demands of newer and newer social groups. First and foremost, the idea of parity was said to ridicule the women-politicians, since it produced an image of a woman who is not capable of reaching political success without support. The medial debate moved from the press to the Polish parliament. The debate ended in a rise in the parity quota for the Polish parliamentary system to 35 per cent. When signed by the President of Poland, the new law became effective for the elections for the Polish and the European Parliaments, commune and district councils as well as provincial diets. The guaranteed 35 per cent did not bring about any significant increase in the presence of women in the Polish parliament. The percentage of their political representation in the parliament rose from 20 to 23 per cent.
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Proces reformowania Międzynarodowego Funduszu Walutowego

63%
Łasak P.
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio H – Oeconomia
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2017
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vol. 51
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issue 6
EN
During the past few decades, the role of the IMF in the world economy has been gradually diminishing. It was caused by the process of globalization of the economy. The last financial crisis has confirmed that there is a need to reform the IMF. The aim of this article is to identify the causes of these reforms, their implementation, and the characteristics of the reforms of the quota and lending activities of the Fund, which were undertaken during the period of 2010–2016.
PL
W ciągu ostatnich kilku dekad stopniowo malało znaczenie MFW w gospodarce światowej. Było to spowodowane procesami globalizacji gospodarek i rynków finansowych. Globalny kryzys finansowy potwierdził, że istnieje potrzeba zreformowania działalności Funduszu. Celem artykułu jest wskazanie przyczyn podejmowanych reform MFW, kierunków niezbędnych działań w tym zakresie, a także charakterystyka reformy kwot i reformy działalności kredytowej, które miały miejsce w okresie 2010–2016.
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Kobiety w jednostkach samorządu terytorialnego w dobie debaty nad parytetami i kwotami

63%
Łukasik-Turecka A.
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych
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2013
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vol. 5(41)
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issue 1
73-85
EN
The fact of continuous though small increase in both the number of women candidates and the number of women elected in particular elections pleases those for whom the participation of women in government in general is an important matter. The issue which seems to be of particular importance is that of women’s participation in local government. It is just this level at which decisions, concerning education and health service – the areas run and dominated mainly by women, are taken. Thus it seems natural to demand that more women are allowed to co-decide on areas in which they are normally active. Women’s chances of functioning in politics at the local government level seem to be big. The character of activities at the local government level, a possibility of reconciling political activity with performing other social roles, and a greater social acceptance of women’s activity at the local government level give a chance for women’s activity in this area.
9
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Women’s Political Representation in the Czech Republic in the context of the transition from Communism to Democracy

54%
Gelnarová J., Fousková M. V.
Przegląd Politologiczny
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2016
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issue 4
133-142
PL
W artykule przedstawiony został przegląd reprezentacji politycznej kobiet w Czechosłowacji oraz w Czechach po upadku żelaznej kurtyny, w kontekście przejścia od systemu komunistycznego do demokracji. Artykuł obejmuje rozważania zarówno dotyczące ciągłości i zmiany, pomiędzy starym a nowym systemem, skupiając uwagę na zaangażowaniu politycznym kobiet – począwszy od utrzymywania tradycyjnego modelu rodziny i stereotypów płciowych, a kończąc na radykalnych zmianach ról w sferze prywatnej i publicznej. Koncentrując się na mechanizmach blokujących kobiety w ich dostępie do władzy politycznej i postawach społecznych, które mogłyby wyrównać ostatecznie szanse, a mianowicie zastosowaniu parytetów płciowych na listach wyborczych partii politycznych.
EN
This paper gives an overview of women’s political representation in Czechoslovakia and the Czech Republic after the fall of the iron curtain, framed in the context of the transition from Communism to democracy. It is concerned with both continuity and discontinuity between the old and the new regime regarding the political engagement of women – the persistence of traditional family model and gender stereotypes on one hand, and the radically changed roles of the private and the public sphere on the other. It focuses on the mechanisms disadvantaging women in their access to political power and on public attitudes to the measures which could level the playing field, namely gender quotas for political party candidate lists.
10
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Kandydatki Kongresu Kobiet w wyborach samorządowych 2018

51%
Zawadzka K.
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
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2019
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vol. 2(21)
21-39
EN
The author of the article analyzed the activity of candidates recommended by the Association of Women’s Congress in the 2018 local government elections. It was argued that the key to obtaining the support of the Congress of Women were written commitments of individual candidates, regardless of which of the electoral committees started. The aim of the article was to verify the declaration of the Congress of Women that the association supports all candidates from (various) electoral committees, who are close to the idea of a congressional social movement. The issue of synonymous use of the notion of party and political character was also important in the context of activities undertaken by the Congress of Women.
RU
Автор статьи проанализировал активность кандидатов, рекомендованных Ассоциацией конгресса женщин на выборах в местные органы власти 2018 года. Автор утверждает, что ключом к получению поддержки Конгресса женщин являлись письменные обязательства отдельных кандидатов, независимо от того, от какого комитета они приняли участие в выборах. Целью статьи было проверить заявление Конгресса женщин о том, что ассоциация поддерживает всех кандидатов от (различных) избирательных комитетов, близких к идее общественного движения конгресса. Вопрос о синонимичном использовании понятия «партия» и «политичность» имеет важное значение в контексте мероприятий, проводимых Конгрессом женщин.
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Вишеградская группа в Европейском союзе: миграция и солидарность

38%
Potemkin O. Y.
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
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2017
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vol. 1(12)
121-139
EN
Solidarity as one of the main values of the European Union is also recognizedamong the guiding principles of the EU asylum policy. In the period of the migrationcrisis, this principle was the most important for the EU Member Statesand very difficult to implement. The purpose of this article is to analyze the concept of solidarity, as enshrined in the Lisbon Treaty, as well as in the positions of the Member States and EU institutions. The article highlights the current debate, initiated by the Visegrad group under the Slovakian Presidency in the Council, around the proposed “flexible” or “effective solidarity” in asylum policy. Thus, the author contributes to understanding the ways, problems and prospects of refugees’ relocation, as well as the upcoming reform of the Dublin system. Based on the study of the summits conclusions, Council meetings in its various formats, the EU leaders’ statements, the author considers that divergence not only of the Member States positions, but also those of the EU institutions on the specific forms of participation in managing migration and asylum could entail more fragmentation and differentiation within the Union. At the same time, the author reveals the contradiction in the Visegrad countries’ position: while dreaming about re-nationalization of asylum and engaging in confrontation with the Commission the CEE countries by no means intend to introduce and maintain border control within the Schengen area.
RU
Солидарность – одна из базовых ценностей Европейского союза признана в то же время руководящим принципом политики ЕС в сфере убежища. В период миграционного кризиса этот принцип оказался наиболее важным и одновременно трудновыполнимым для государств-членов ЕС. Цель статьи – проанализировать суть понятия солидарности, как это зафиксировано в Лиссабонском договоре, а также в заявлениях, современных документах и позициях государств-членов и институтов ЕС. Автор анализирует дискуссию, инициированную Вишеградской группой во главе с председательствовавшей Совете ЕС Словакией, по концепции «гибкой» или «эффективной солидарности», и тем самым вносит вклад в понимание современной ситуации в Европейском союзе относительно способов, проблем и перспектив урегулирования миграционного кризиса и его последствий, а также предстоящей реформы Дублинской системы убежища в ЕС. На основе изучения документов саммитов, заседаний Совета в его различных форматах, заявлений лидеров стран ЕС автор делает вывод о расхождении позиций не только между государствами-членами, но и институтами ЕС по вопросам участия государств-членов в решении проблем противодействия новым угрозам безопасности, что может иметь последствием усиление фрагментарности и дифференциации внутри Союза. В то же время автор выявляет противоречие в позиции вишеградцев: мечтая о ре-национализации политики убежища и вступая в конфронтацию с Комиссией ЕС, страны ЦВЕ вовсе не намерены вводить и сохранять пограничный контроль внутри шенгенского пространства.
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