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EN
With the populist tide on the rise, comparisons of contemporary right-wing governments to fascist regimes are increasingly common. The rise of the populist right-wing politics has created a number of reactions, using either new or established forms of political resistance. One of such examples is the anti-fascist movement whose strength grows in many national contexts. The recently observed political swing to the right results also in a radicalization of politics. Radical actors intersect and cooperate with moderate ones, influence one another and bring new ideas and repertoires of contention to the streets and into mainstream politics. This trend can be observed in Poland where the 2015 elections (presidential and parliamentary) resulted in the radicalization of the mainstream discourse. This article focuses on the case study of the broadly understood anti-racist movement in Poland that has recently had to remodel itself to face new challenges – in particular the institutionalization of xenophobic rhetoric and the growth of the far-right sector – and has undergone substantial changes in general. The article presents the internal radicalmoderate dynamics within the specific context of the anti-fascist movement in Poland. In particular, it explores the role of changes in political opportunity structures for the reinvigoration of the anti-fascist movement in Poland, radicalization in some of its sectors, and change in its priorities and focus.
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Voltaire’s Radicalism

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EN
This article reminds the reader of the views of Voltaire, one of the most prominent and influential philosophers of the Age of Enlightenment. Voltaire’s radicalism manifested itself mainly in anticlericalism which was consistent, uncompromising and voiced without mincing words. A general aim of this article is to demonstrate to his contemporary imitators, who can be found in different countries including Poland, that they are in fact more or less accurate copies of him and they are not always aware of whom they imitate and what value this imitation has. Perhaps this article can make them, if not more restrained in their statements and practical actions, at least more self-critical and taking into account what is expressed in public discourse.
EN
The article deals with three terrorist attacks of right-wing extremists: in Norway (2011), New Zealand (2019) and Germany (2019). First, the modus operandi of perpetrators was shown and the course of each attack was analyzed. It was indicated what tactics the attackers used and why it was or was not effective. Secondly, the ideological background and motivations of the perpetrators were shown. It was possible to analyze the manifestos that the perpetrators left, and thus their way of thinking, their ideologies, and the purposes of organizing the attacks. Thirdly, issues related to the publicizing of the attacks by the perpetrators were shown. The goal of the article is to show that radical ideology of right-wing extremists (expressed in manifestos) leads to tragedies. In analyzed cases radical appointment of the perpetrators caused three deadly attacks. The article shows that the radical actions are preceded by radical speech, expressions, manifestos. The second goal is to pay attention to hate speech (also expressed in manifestos), which is just as dangerous as bullets or improvised explosive devices. The third goal is to show how the attackers used acts of terror to spread the ideologies to which they were devoted.
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State phobia is aversion to the state, stemming from fear of the state. In the article, aversion to the state is analyzed in two dimensions: substantialist and accidentalist. Substantialist criticism relies on perceiving essential evil in the criticized phenomenon, which is embedded in the nature of the phenomenon as such. Accidentalist aversion refers to accidental and unnecessary defects; it has an occasional nature. The subject matter of the paper is substantialist state phobia in contemporary political thought. The following concepts were analyzed: anarcho-capitalism, national anarchism, tribalism, primitivism and anarcho-transhumanism. The purpose of the paper is to identify arguments addressed against the state, as well as to analyze determinants of state phobia in selected currents of political thought. The hypothesis is an assumption that substantialist state phobia is determined by the process of maximizing the idea of freedom in political thought, which generates aversion or hostility towards the state. In order to verify the research hypothesis, the author analyzed source texts (ideological, program, propaganda and journalistic texts) of the above-listed political movements, their leaders and acolytes. The political thought under discussion may perform both constructive and destructive functions with respect to a democratic state. As a result of the analysis, the hypothesis was partially confirmed.
EN
The author of the article stresses that what constitutes the purpose of humanistic education is showing the world from different perspectives and ambiguity as its inherent ingredient, which should be approached as both didactic and axiological challenge (especially in the light of concept of young people’s civic education). In this context he proposes to have a glance at cultural microcosm (of today’s Israel) described by Paweł Smoleński in his book published in 2019 entitled Wnuki Jozuego [Joshua’s Grandchildren]. The Polish author of reportages shows in the said book how - based on the example of Jewish Israeli settlers in the West Bank - dealing with religious, ethnic, and cultural diversity and experiencing them on the daily basis, paves the way for radical views and, consequently, for unifying the past, present, and the future. Many among Smoleński’s interlocutors/interviewees, however, touch upon the need for open dialogue, accepting otherness, and various outlooks on the most burning issues. Therefore, the story thus told may be treated as a warning against believing in only one righteous truth, as well as against the said belief’s negative influence on the sphere of public exchange of thoughts.
Historia@Teoria
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2018
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vol. 1
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issue 7
167-172
EN
This article presents one of the terrorist group in Central Asia. Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan is a fundamentalist Islam organization acting at first in Uzbekistan and then going beyond even to Afghanistan with its actions. This article will present the causes of existence of Islamic extremism in Central Asia, events which were enhancing the ideas of radicalism, as i.e. civil war in Tajikistan (1992-1997) or the Batken crises (1999, 2000), specific IMU actions or circumstances of connection to so-called Islamic State. It is the analysis of extremism in Central Asia and the explanation of this phenomenon; moreover the role of external factors in Islamic mobilization in the region and how the Organized crime works there.
Praktyka Teoretyczna
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2018
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vol. 27
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issue 1
254-268
EN
This article discusses the most recent publishing projects devoted to the history and intellectual accomplishments of the Polish cooperative movement before 1939. It illustrates the political dimension of the concept of cooperation, the need to deepen the research on the symbolic universe of the movement and the effect which defining the peripheral status of the Polish economy had on the development of the economic analyses of the Polish cooperators. The political philosophy of Polish cooperativism, created primarily by Edward Abramowski, in many respects exceeds the limitations characteristic for the classical modern ideologies of the political left-wing, thanks to which it inscribes in the process of ―inventing tradition‖ by the modern emancipation movements in Poland.
Society Register
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2022
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vol. 6
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issue 2
61-86
EN
The article discusses the extent to which the three multicultural learning strategies implemented to promote multiculturalism differ and how the initiatives takes into account religious differences and Islam. Methodologically, the article focuses on thematic content analysis of the three multicultural education projects. The thematic content analysis makes it possible to study what is being discussed in the multicultural context and how it is being interpreted through these ideas and concepts. The aim of these school projects is to create a common language environment and a new (well-integrated) national identity. Based on the Estonian super-secular society (less than 19% Estonians considered themselves to be a part of some congregation or religious), the peculiarities of religion orientation are not so much taken into account in these multicultural learning strategies and Islam occurs in connection with radicalism.
EN
Parliamentary democracy is a political system based on elections, which are held periodically and have specific functions. The most important of these are: the power-building function, the legitimising function and the representative function. However, there are social movements that negate these functions. One of them is the anarchist movement. Anarchists believe that parliamentary democracy and the state limit the freedom of human beings and social groups. That is why they are opposed to general elections. In their opinion, parliamentary democracy should be replaced by stateless societies based on direct and participatory democracy.
EN
It has been nearly 15 years since the Jobbik appears on Hungarian political scene. Since 2014, when Jobbik obtained mandates in the Hungarian National Assembly for the second time in a row, according to election polls, it is the strongest opposition party. From 2016, Jobbik evolves in a rhetorical from “political radicalism” towards a “true party”, moving from the political extremity towards the political center.
EN
In the presented paper the attention is focused on the so-called urban social movements, especially on the radical, anarchist faction of Polish urban movements. The article offers detailed analysis of the case of Ruch Społeczeństwa Alternatywnego [RSA; Alternative Society Movement], the social movement that operated most actively in Poland in the 80’s and 90’s of the 20th century. First of all, the main interest is on urban outlook that movement’s activists expressed as a part of unofficial counterpublics. It clearly corresponds with what we call today a demand of “urban democracy” or “the right to the city”. To some extent they have idiosyncratic character, however, on the one hand drawing its emancipatory potential directly from the anarchist tradition, on the other being closer to the libertarian ideas.
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EN
Power is a fundamental category in the field of political and security sciences. It occupies a key position in practically every theory of international relations. Some of the categories that describe power can be defined using similar terms, although there are also those that define similar categories in a completely different manner. This is what happens when you find similar definitions for terms such as ‘power, ‘strength’, ‘authority’, or ‘influence’. Identifying the factors that make up a state’s power is no less problematic. Even if some elements of power seem to be unchanged (military or economic factors) and important for all currents of the theory of international relations, the differences in their rank may be significant and crucial for understanding the differences between particular theoretical approaches. The aim of the article is to show both the fixed elements of individual theories (primarily realistic and liberal, but also radicalism and postmodernism) as well as the differences in defining the power of their individual representatives.
EN
In this research authors investigate the issue of radicalism and violent extremism, initially examining the meaning of the terms, as well as the essential characteristics of these phenomena. Afterwards, the authors analyse and investigate the emerging forms of radicalism and violent extremism that exist in the territory of the Western Balkans, and their impact on the state of security in the region. The authors continue to study the aspect of the causes and conditions of the emergence of radicalism and violent extremism in this region while outlining the basic guidelines for the prevention of these phenomena at the end of the research. In this concern, the authors particularly emphasise the necessity of cooperation, coordination and strategic approach among all parties of the region, for the prevention of radicalism and violent extremism in the Western Balkans.
EN
The magnitude of the disaster of September 11, 2001 brought to bear a general recognition that terrorism is a global problem that required urgent attention. The response of the international community was a war on terror against murderous, oppressive, violent and hateful groups. Since then failed states have been considered as cradle and fertile grounds of terrorism, which threatens national as well as global security. This premise is based on the assertion that there is a direct link between failing states and international terrorism. However, the following text disputes this claim by using quantitative data and empirical research, and thus denies the whole concept of the war on terror leads by the USA and Great Britain.
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The symbolic imaginary of counterculture was fostered by dissent towards the cultural roots of the Western world, by a challenge to traditional norms, values and symbols, and by the rejection of historical identity and national sovereignty. This article aims to discuss some of the aftermaths of the counterculture of the 1960s as resulting from the transformations of its symbolic imaginary. The transformation of the symbolic imaginary of the counterculture is reflected in specific historical changes which had a profound impact on social relations, manners of perceiving or experiencing the world, and the shape of the public sphere within modern society. The dissent of the 1960s is framed in terms of its ability to take over and impose symbolic power, along with transformations of a given cultural model, a process which has roots in the concept of historicity and a new symbolic universe. Special attention is given to the institutionalization of multiculturalism, one of the most important outcomes of the transformation of the symbolic imaginary of counterculture and the normalization of countercultural radicalism. The aftermaths of the radicalism of the 1960s, when presented against the background of the transformation of the symbolic imaginary, underscore a ubiquitous and profound transformation of the entire culture and ideological dynamics in Western societies.
EN
Political radicalism as a threat to the reborn Republic of Poland. The interwar period in Poland was characterised by the occurrence of real threats to the internal security of the state, the source of which was radicalism and political extremism. It was both left-wing and right-wing radicalism. We should mention here communism supported by Bolshevik Russia, Ukrainian nationalism supported by unfavourable countries such as Germany or Czechoslovakia, and Polish right-wing radicals who sought to change the political system of the country but not to annihilate it. All these political trends may have contributed to the destabilization of the Second Republic, but reborn Poland managed to create an appropriate internal security system, which included the Political Police, and on the other hand, the Polish society, as the history of the Second Republic shows, was not seduced by the political extremes.
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EN
This paper aims to introduce the current trends in anti-Semitism in the Czech Republic in 2004-2014. This period maps the changes that appeared since the end of Second Palestinian intifada to the year 2014 which is the last year with available set of data of anti-Semitism in Czech society. The article shall examine whether there is a direct link between the contemporary important events in the Middle East and the changing number of anti-Semitic incidents in the Czech Republic. The attention shall also be given to the issue which groups of Czech society are mostly associated with anti-Semitism and what is their main motivation to participate in the anti-Semitic campaign.
EN
The 2015 immigration crisis became a driving force for movements and parties that negate the current political order, including those that do not conceal their xenophobic slogans and ideas. In retrospect, there are more and more signs that the decision to accept the uncontrolled refugee influx was more an expression of wishful thinking than a rational decision, taking into account the actual political situation. Thus, Europe finds itself in a dangerous situation with far-right movements on the one hand, and radical Islam on the other. Each of these formations legitimises its existence and methods of operation by the existence of the other side, trying to polarise society and create a situation that will somehow force citizens to opt for one of the two options. Paradoxically, Chancellor Merkel’s decision to admit immigrants significantly increased the risk of such a scenario, hence the perception of Islamic and right-wing extremism by the German authorities as posing an equal threat to state security. However, it was only the recent terrorist attacks in October and November 2020 in France and Germany that changed the political narrative.
EN
This article discusses the continuous substitution of traditional mutual conflicts and historical grievances between Slovakia and Hungary that has created fertile ground for nationalists on both sides. Currently, we witness the rise of anti-Roma positions and negativism oriented toward this particular group of the population in Slovakia and Hungary. For this reason, we track the sources of new nationalism associated with the hatred of the Roma population. This can be demonstrated by a variety of political incentives and measuring extremism as a tool of acquiring and maintaining political power. The aim of the article is to investigate the extent and reasons of the new social and political dimensions of Slovak and Hungarian nationalism. We assume that the traditional form of bilateral nationalism based on historical, political and social tensions between Slovakia and Hungary is being transformed by the ethnic nationalism against the Roma minority in Central Europe. To support our argumentation, we use the qualitative data from in-depth interviews with young respondents from two contrasting research field sites in Slovakia from EC research project MYPLACE (Memory, Youth, Political Legacy and Civic Engagement).
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PL
W dzisiejszych dyskusjach na temat radykalizmu społecznego dominuje przekonanie, że niesie on poważne zagrożenia dla sfery publicznej, podobnie do wszelkich przejawów ekstremizmu, fundamentalizmu i innym skrajnych postaw. Tymczasem literatura przedmiotu wskazuje jak bardzo takie interpretacje są mylne i odbiegają od złożonej, w istocie, natury tego fenomenu. Przytoczone tu przykłady zastosowania pojęcia radykalizmu jako predylekcji filozoficznej, psychologicznej i społecznej skłaniają do rewizji tej, podszytej niepokojem społecznym, konwencjonalnej wykładni pojęcia i zjawiska radykalizmu.
EN
There is a strong conviction about social radicalism carrying serious threats to the public spere, similiar to all manifestations of extremism, fundamentalism and other extreme attitudes. Meanwhile, subject literature indicates how misleading such interpretations are and deviate from the complex nature of this phenomenon. Various examples of the concept of radicalism understood as philosophical, psychological and social predicament, reviewed in this article, should lead to a necessary revision of the dominant conventional interpretation of radicalism.
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