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1

Reflexive Konstruktionen im Deutschen und Slowakischen im Vergleich

100%

Popovičová A.

Linguistische Treffen in Wrocław

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2021

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issue 19

279-289

EN

Both in German and in Slovak, the reflexive constructions, i.e. those with the component sich in German or sa/si (in the longer form seba/sebe) in Slovak, are common constructions with significant parallels but also contrasts in usage. The reflexivity is largely polysemantic in both languages; reflexivation can be motivated in different ways; the reflexive can have different morphosyntactic features and fulfil different functions. In the context of German-Slovak contrastive linguistics, the phenomenon of reflexivity has been dealt with rather peripherally. Therefore, the article aims to outline the similarities and contrasts of the reflexive constructions in both languages from the linguistic point of view, comparing their semantic and morphosyntactic features. It also aims to illustrate the most important functions of reflexivity. For this purpose, the approaches in German and Slovak grammar theories were analysed and compared using specific examples. The author discusses following categories: obligatory reflexive verbs, reflexive forms of non-reflexive verbs, verbs with semantic reflexivity, reciprocal verbs and reflexive constructions with passive perspective: reflexive passive, medio-passive and sich-lassen-constructions. The findings show that there is a terminological discrepancy between the two languages regarding the classes of verbs with reflexive pronoun, but this can be eliminated by an expanded definition. The reflexivity is polyfunctional in both languages. Rather than coreference, some of the most important functions of reflexivity are primarily expressing passive perspective and, especially in Slovak, the word formation. The most important difference derives from the fact that the reflexive passive in Slovak is considered to be the equivalent of the German werden-passive. In all respects it can be seen that the area of reflexivity in both languages extends far beyond verb semantics.

2

Conversion: non-réciproque – réciproque. Variantes syntaxiques

88%

Nkollo M.

Studia Romanica Posnaniensia

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2010

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vol. 37

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issue 2

15-27

EN

The present paper is devoted to the concept of reciprocity and to reciprocal expressions, which are divided into two main classes. Those belonging to the first of them signify reciprocity on their own, i.e. without any additional reciprocal markers. The other class contains expressions that acquire ability to refer to reciprocal states of affairs only as a result of appropriate transformations. Different reciprocal markers – grammatical, lexical and quantifying – are singled out and thoroughly characterized. Their use results in converting non-reciprocal signs into reciprocal ones. They are applied according to the part of speech of a modified term. The conclusion to be drawn from this analysis revolves around the discrepancy between morphological and syntactic means of reciprocal transformation. While the former ones are rather scanty, the latter are largely used in contemporary French.

3

Root-based or lexicalist approach in verbal morpho-syntax: Polish non-active morphology

88%

Malicka-Kleparska A.

Poznań Studies in Contemporary Linguistics

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2013

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vol. 49

531-555

EN

The text presents two case studies from the area of Polish middle voice morpho-syntax. One case concerns anticausatives formed with the particle się and their simpler counterparts based on identical roots. The other – "clear" alternating frame verbs, their prefixed correspondents and middle formations based on the same roots. The first case strikes us as problematic for both modern approaches to morpho-syntax in generative grammar – the lexicalist approach and the root based construction approach. It turns out to be problematic for the first model only, if certain proposals (in particular Alexiadou and Doron 2012) concerning non-active morpho-syntax are discarded. The second case shows, however, that certain data cannot be explained within the root based grammar, while the lexicalist mechanisms account for them naturally. Polish morpho-syntax calls for introducing clear demarcation lines between the data that can be rendered by syntactic mechanisms and such which require lexical analyses and "productivity" of the data cannot provide such a boundary. They need to be drawn on an empirical basis.

4

A case for two voices in Old Church Slavonic – reflexively marked OCS verbs

75%

Malicka-Kleparska A.

Linguistics Beyond and Within

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2015

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vol. 1

169-186

EN

Old Church Slavonic data manifest significant similarities in the distribution and formal properties of anticausatives, reflexives, subject experiencer verbs, statives, and reciprocals, while their semantics may also be viewed as partly uniform. The structures representing the said classes of verbs are very frequent in the language, while passive structures, formed with analytic morpho-syntactic constructions, are relatively infrequent. Consequently, the expressions headed by anticausatives, reflexives, subject experiencer verbs, statives, and reciprocals (as well as dative impersonal structures) encroach on the area of semantics belonging in Modern Slavic to be the realm expressed in terms of passive morpho-syntax. The conclusion that can be drawn from this state of affairs is that Old Church Slavonic is characterized by the opposition of active and middle voices, while the passive voice is in its infancy.

5

The Sarikoli reflexive pronoun

75%

Kim D.

Open Linguistics

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2014

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vol. 1

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issue 1

EN

This paper describes χɯ, the Sarikoli reflexive personal and possessive pronoun, in terms of its agreement, relative prominence, and domain. The reflexive χɯ does not overtly agree with its antecedent, always maintaining the same form. It is subject-oriented and is complementarily distributed with nonreflexive pronouns. In both finite and non-finite subordinate clauses, χɯ is usually used as a local reflexive, with long-distance potential in one variety-the reason adverbial clause. Sarikoli provides confirmatory evidence for the correlation between long-distance reflexives and subject orientation (Pica 1987, 1991; Cole & Sung 1994), since χɯ is subject-oriented whether it refers to an antecedent within the same clause or across a clause boundary.

6

Interpretation of possessive pronouns in Czech infinitive constructions

45%

Perevozchikova T.

Slovo a slovesnost: časopis pro otázky teorie a kultury jazyka (Slovo a slovesnost: A journal for the theory of language and language cultivation)

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2024

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vol. 85

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issue 2

83-111

EN

Existing research has not yielded clear conclusions regarding the status of the Czech reflexive possessive svůj as a long-distance anaphora. Some researchers claim that svůj in infinitival complements strongly favours the local interpretation. Other scholars argue that the reference of svůj is ambiguous between the local and the long-distance reading, and that the choice between them is partly influenced by the matrix verb. In this article, we report on an experimental study investigating how reflexive and non-reflexive possessives in Czech object control infinitives are interpreted and whether the interpretation is constrained by the matrix verb. A written interpretation task was carried out with 96 Czech native speakers. The results show that for a reflexive possessive, the local interpretation is preferred, but the long-distance interpretation is also common, and its probability depends partly on the matrix verb. A non-reflexive possessive does not show a non-locality bias and its interpretation depends strongly on the matrix verb. Our results support form-specific multiple-constraints models of anaphora processing, suggesting that the interpretation of reflexives is influenced not only by the structural constraint of locality but also by pragmatic inferences based on the semantics of the matrix verb, although to a lesser extent than the interpretation of pronouns.

CS

Dosavadní výzkum nepřinesl jasné závěry, pokud jde o status reflexivního posesiva svůj jako dálkové anafory. Někteří badatelé tvrdí, že svůj v infinitivních doplněních silně upřednostňuje lokální interpretaci. Jiní badatelé tvrdí, že reference posesiva svůj je vzhledem k možnosti lokálního a distančního čtení nejednoznačná a že volba mezi těmito možnostmi je částečně ovlivněna maticovým slovesem. V tomto článku podáváme zprávu o experimentálním výzkumu, který se zaměřil na otázku, jak jsou reflexivní a nereflexivní posesiva v českých infinitivech řídících objekt interpretována a zda je tato interpretace omezena maticovým slovesem. Písemná interpretační úloha byla zadána 96 rodilým mluvčím češtiny. Výsledky ukázaly, že u reflexivního posesiva je preferována lokální interpretace, ale častá je i interpretace distanční, jejíž pravděpodobnost částečně závisí na maticovém slovese. Nereflexivní posesivum nemá přednost před nelokálním antecedentem a jeho reference silně závisí na maticovém slovese. Naše výsledky podporují tvarově specifické modely zpracování anafory s více omezeními, které naznačují, že interpretace reflexiv je ovlivněna nejen strukturním omezením lokálnosti, ale v menší míře také pragmatickými inferencemi založenými na sémantice maticového slovesa.

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1 Linguistics Beyond and Within

1 Linguistische Treffen in Wrocław

1 Open Linguistics

1 Poznań Studies in Contemporary Linguistics

1 Slovo a slovesnost: časopis pro otázky teorie a kultury jazyka (Slovo a slovesnost: A journal for the theory of language and language cultivation)

1 Studia Romanica Posnaniensia

2 Malicka-Kleparska A.

1 Kim D.

1 Nkollo M.

1 Perevozchikova T.

1 Popovičová A.

1 2024

1 2021

2 2015