Search results

1

Refugee crisis – casus of Cottbus

100%

Kruk A.

Przegląd Narodowościowy – Review of Nationalities

|

2018

|

vol. 8

279-292

EN

The fact that about 4000 immigrants are placed in Cottbus, situated 192 km from Poznań and 83 km from Zielona Góra, makes us feel it is necessary to analyze modus operandi of the entities legitimizing or delegitimizing the Open Door policy of the Chancellor Angela Merkel. To explain their position, political actors refer to the diverse narratives that Rolf Peter Sieferle classified as: the refugee narrative; a narrative recalling the demographic problem; a narrative referring to problems in the labor market and a lack of qualified employees; a narrative referring to the essence of multiculturalism. Difficulties in absorbing immigrants caused a discussion about fatigue both in political parties and in the media, but they showed the potential of social initiatives and movements, for example the organization “Future of the Fatherland”, led by Hans-Christoph Berndt. His views combined with the statements of Dietmar Woidke, the Prime Minister of Brandenburg, or Jörg Steinbach, the President of the Brandenburg University of Technology, reflect the diversity of the assessment of migration policy in a micro-scale.

2

Solidarity in the structure of the European Union’s axionormative system in the context of the refugee crisis

80%

Hetnarowicz J.

Polish Journal of Political Science

|

2017

|

vol. 3

|

issue 4

125-140

EN

The paper concerns the value of solidarity in the structure of the European Union’s axionormative system in the context of the 2015 refugee crisis. For the needs of these considerations Florian Znaniecki’s concept of axionormative system was chosen. It has a form of three-level hierarchical structure, which consists of the institutional level, the awareness level and the implementation level. All as these levels were analysed in relation to the value of solidarity, in the context of the 2015 refugee crisis. The results of these considerations indicate that while the institutional and awareness levels of the European Union’s axionormative system are compatible with each other, there is a clear break between them and the level of implementation, in the context of the refugee crisis.

3

Refugee Crisis as a Motive for Political Communication in Poland

80%

Ślufińska M.

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

|

2023

|

vol. 80

7-26

PL

Europejska debata dotycząca kryzysu uchodźczego, a także działania Unii Europejskiej z nim związane, stanowiły ważny element komunikowania politycznego podejmowanego przez decydentów politycznych w krajach UE. Toteż istotnym wydaje się pytanie o to, jak kształtowały się opinie najważniejszych polskich polityków na temat przyczyn i sposobów zarządzania kryzysem uchodźczym, a także o ich stanowisko odnośnie do uchodźców pochodzących z innej strefy kulturowej, a w konsekwencji – czy byli oni zgodni co do kwestii przyjmowania uchodźców. Ponadto – czy wypowiadane przez nich opinie mogły wpływać na polskie społeczeństwo oraz czy problem kryzysu uchodźczego był wykorzystywany w doraźnych celach politycznych, w tym w kampanii wyborczej.

EN

The European debate on the refugee crisis and the related actions of the European Union has been an important part of the political communication undertaken by policy-makers in the EU countries. Thus, it seems essential to ask the question about the opinions of the most important Polish politicians regarding the causes and ways of managing the refugee crisis, but also about their stance regarding refugees coming from other cultures, and consequently whether they were in agreement on accepting refugees. Also, whether the opinions they expressed were likely to influence Polish society, and whether the problem of the refugee crisis was used for ad hoc political purposes, including in the election campaign.

4

Die Flüchtlingskrise 2015 im Spiegel der polnischen Presse: Eine Analyse von Nominationsstrategien

71%

Smykała M.

Stylistyka

|

2018

|

vol. 27

291-319

EN

The word refugees was chosen the word of the year 2015 in many European countries (in Poland, Germany, Austria, Czech Republic, France and Russia). This word as well as other candidates were at that time – in the truest sense of the word – on everyone’s lips. They were literally hitting the headlines. No surprise. Millions of people, mainly from the Middle East and North Africa, who wanted to be let in, were knocking at the gates of Europe. In the media discourse this phenomenon was called ‘crisis’ (the refugee crisis, the migration crisis). This article aims to analyse the language profiling of the phenomenon itself and the people it referred to both in Polish and German press, i.e. the refugees, at the beginning of the crisis, that is in the summer of 2015.

5

The attitude of Poland and polish Society toward the 1999 Kosovo refugees

70%

Domachowska A. B.

Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)

|

2019

|

vol. 105

|

issue 1

49-63

EN

In 1999 the NATO intervention in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia took place. During 78 days NATO bombed Yugoslavia in order to halt Slobodan Milosevic’s policy against Albanians living in Kosovo. By the end of the intervention, more than 850 000 people from Kosovo had become refugees. They predominantly spread across the Balkan states but some of them also were taken outside the region – to Germany, Turkey, Norway, Italy, Canada, the US and to Poland as well. The aim of this paper is to investigate the situation of Kosovo refugees in Poland in 1999. I begin by explaining the situation of people living in Kosovo during the NATO intervention. Next, I will present the issue of refugees in Polish law at the time of the Kosovo crisis. After that, I will also examine the attitude of Poles towards these refugees. What is more, understanding the official narrative about them is crucial in explaining the country’s policy too. Finally, I will summarize my paper with some conclusions regarding the need for further research.

6

The ebbs and flows of the Holocaust and the Gulag memory in EU-rope. Memory dynamics in national and transnational contexts

70%

Zessin-Jurek L.

Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem

|

2018

|

vol. 40

|

issue 3

87-103

EN

In spring 2017 the long-awaited House of European History in Brussels was opened. Its exhibition tries to tackle not only the tumultuous history of 20th-century Europe, but also the diverse cultures of memory that surround this topic. The article touches upon the problem of co-existence and mutual relationship of the two important, if not the most crucial, topics on the European mnemonic map: that of the Holocaust and that of the Gulag. The uneven and changeable development of these memory cultures has been presented in the historical perspective and analysed through the way they have functioned at the national (with Poland and Germany as examples) and transnational (EU) levels. The concluding statement encapsulates the thesis that the EU-ropean memory confl ict in its original phase, centred around Brussels, achieved its climax some years ago. Nowadays the problems of history and memory are administered mostly within the regional and, even more, national public spheres. As the focal point of European dispute, on the other hand, new — seemingly beyond historical — topics emerged. Among them is the cultural problem sparked by the mass infl ux of immigrants to Europe.

7

New beginnings? The refugee “crisis”, the “Other”, and Islamic religious education in Germany

70%

Droeber J.

Studies in Global Ethics and Global Education

|

2016

|

issue 5

93-107

EN

The recent influx of refugees has been in the headlines for more than a year in Germany. On a daily basis, new items about refugees, asylum policies, disasters, or xenophobia makes it into print, visual, or social media. Everybody has an opinion about this issue. In this essay, I record some of my own observations in this regard, as someone, who, in different ways, has been involved with refugees and “Others”. I am trying to make some sense of the discourses and actions that the so-called “refugee crisis” has produced. It has become evident that the discourse about the refugees is as much about the “Other” as it is about the “Self”. It is my argument that Germany is at a crossroads as a consequence of the arrival of relatively large numbers of refugees mainly from a Middle Eastern context – it can either lead to Germany closing in on itself, trying to exclude the “Other”, which in a globalized world would probably be a disadvantage; on the other hand, the “refugee crisis” has the potential of a new beginning, expanding on the already existing efforts to integrate “Others” into one’s own society. One example for such integration efforts would be the fairly recent introduction of Islamic Religious Education in state schools. The success or failure of this experiment can provide an indication of the willingness and ability of Germans to find constructive ways to integrate refugees into their communities.

8

Česká republika v době uprchlické krize: spoluhráč, nebo solitér?

70%

Novotná M.

Politologická revue (Czech Political Science Review)

|

2017

|

issue 2

5-29

EN

This study interprets the approach of the Czech Republic towards refugees and Schengen under the current refugee crisis. Although these topics are assessed most differently by the Czech political elites, they share the emphasis on solidarity. Indeed, exploring the role of solidarity by Czech political elites is the core of this article. Theoretically, the study develops the concept of international solidarity developed by Coicaud and Wheeler (2008) which enables one to analyse the seemingly inconsistent combination of solidarity and interests as used and performed by the Czech government. At the same time, it fills in the gap in research on the empirical impact of solidarity. Methodologically, the article combines an analysis of the main actors’ visions and behaviour and of the political discourse. The findings indicate that the Czech government does not act purely egoistically. Indeed, the leaders of the Czech governmental parties consider the needs of others while simultaneously taking account of their own interests. Hence, their behaviour can be evaluated as ‘solidarity led by interests’.

9

Chechen’s Lesson. Challenges of Integrating Refugee Children in a Transit Country: A Polish Case Study

61%

Iglicka K.

Central and Eastern European Migration Review

|

2017

|

vol. 6

|

issue 2

123-140

EN

This paper examines migratory movements into Poland with a special emphasis on refugee mobility. In the past twenty years, almost 90 000 Chechen refugees have come to Poland, as it was the first safe country they reached. According to the Office for Foreigners data they constituted approximately 90 per cent of applicants for refugee status, 38 per cent of persons granted refugee status, 90 per cent of persons granted ‘tolerated status’ and 93 per cent of persons granted ‘subsidiary protection status’. However, a peculiarity of the Polish situation, confirmed by official statistics and research, is that refugees treat Poland mainly as a transit country. The author focuses on the issue of integrating Chechen refugee children into the Polish education system, as well as Chechen children granted international protection or waiting to be granted such protection. The results of the study suggest that Polish immigration policy has no impact on the choice of destination of the refugees that were interviewed. None of the interviewees wanted to return to Chechnya, nor did they perceive Poland as a destination country. Children with refugee status, which enables them to stay legally in the Schengen area, ‘disappear’ not only from the Polish educational system but from Poland as a whole as well. This phenomenon hampers the possibility of achieving educational success when working with foreign children, and it challenges the immense efforts by Polish institutions to integrate refugee children into the school and the local community. Both official statistical data and research results were used in this paper.

10

ON THE PROBLEM OF SELF-POSITIONING AND POSITIONING OF THE OTHER IN VLADIMR VERTLIB NOVEL VIKTOR HILFT

61%

Ławnikowska-Koper J.

Studia Germanica Posnaniensia

|

2019

|

issue 40

163-176

EN

By his novel Viktor hilft (2018), Vladimir Vertlib definitely confirms his place in literature: his meta-narrative invariably constitutes the experience of migration perceived in cultural and anthropological way. It implies a specific, individual experience of the presence and giving the testimony. In this context, it is essential to examine, making use of Wendy Hollowey’s socio-linguistic concept of positioning (Hollowey 1984), how the narrator presents himself and the others in the text. Assuming that the book has some autobiographical features, the Viktor Levin’s character is being analysed as Viktor Vertlib’s alter ego in order to examine how the hybrid like subject places himself and the others in the literature and life. The analysis of Viktor hilft is carried out as a narrator’s selfpresentation and presentation of other characters, which allows you to confirm the thesis that the place of Vladimir Vertlib as a writer with “hybrid culture experience” (Previsič 2012: 50) and as an exophonic writer is the “Third Space” (Bhabha 1994/2000).

DE

Mit dem Roman Viktor hilft (2018) bestätigt Vladimir Vertlib mehrfach seine literarische Verortung: sein Meta-Narrativ bleibt nach wie vor eine kulturanthropologisch fokussierte Migrations-erfahrung. Diese impliziert eine punktuelle Erfahrung der Zeitgenossenschaft und der Zeugenschaft und in eben diesem Zusammenhang wird untersucht, wie sich die Erzählinstanz im Text selbst- und fremdpositioniert, wozu das sozio-linguistische Konzept der Positionierung von Wendy Hollowey wichtige Impulse liefert (Hollowey 1984). Bei der Annahme des autobiographischen Ansatzes des Romans wird am Beispiel von Viktor Levin als Alter Ego Vertlibs die Positionierung eines hybriden Subjekts in Literatur und Leben eruiert, gemäß der These: Aufgrund der Selbst- und Fremdpositionierung der Erzählinstanz im Roman Viktor hilft ist Vladimir Vertlib als Autor mit einem „hybriden- kulturellen Hintergrund“ (Previsič 2012: 50) und damit als ein exophoner Autor im „Dritten Raum“ (Bhabha 1994/2000) zu verorten.

11

Antiopresívne prístupy ako nástroj riešenia utečeneckej krízy

61%

Dobda V.

Prosopon. Europejskie Studia Społeczno-Humanistyczne

|

2016

|

issue 2(15)

51-61

EN

Anti-Oppressive Practices are one of the main forms of Social Work and social oriented theory and practice. Operating in the context of numerous oppressions and based on the constantly growing need for fundamental reorganization of society in all its layers, it is a practical and promising concept of the complexity of social problems within multidisciplinarity in the field of Social Work. This article focuses on the issue of using Anti-Oppressive Practices in Social Work when dealing with the progressive and very current refugee crisis.

12

The Ruptures and Continuities in Hungary’s Reception Policy: The Ukrainian Refugee Crisis

61%

Korkut U., Fazekas R.

Central and Eastern European Migration Review

|

2023

|

vol. 12

|

issue 1

13-29

EN

This article reflects on the role that Hungary has played with respect to the Ukrainian refugee crisis. It elaborates on two issues. The first is Hungary’s relatively amicable relationship with Russia and how the Hungarian political elite has approached the Ukrainian crisis in view of its domestic political goals. The second is the migration policy that Hungary adopted when faced with the arrival of irregular Middle Eastern refugees and the mitigations in this policy to respond to the Ukrainian arrivals. The paper discusses the evolution in the governance of migration in Hungary and the actors and the politics underpinning the Hungarian reception policy from the perspective of these two issues. In this context, it draws on the literature on leadership and how the latter affects political contexts and social realities, particularly with respect to migration politics.

13

Kryzys migracyjny z perspektywy premierów niemieckich krajów związkowych

61%

Kruk A.

Bezpieczeństwo. Teoria i Praktyka

|

2017

|

issue 1

143-156

PL

Celem artykułu było zbadanie, czy premierzy niemieckich krajów związkowych (Winfried Kretschmann, Horst Seehofer, Bodo Ramelow, Stanislaw Tillich, Dietmar Woidke), reprezentujący najważniejsze niemieckie partie polityczne, podtrzymali lub zrewidowali swoje stanowisko w sprawie polityki migracyjnej po 2015 roku. Polityka rządów krajów związkowych oraz wypowiedzi i działania premierów wpłyną na rezultat wyborów federalnych w 2017 roku. Napływ uchodźców spowodował zwiększenie wyzwań w polityce integracyjnej, odnotowano m.in. wzrost przestępczości, zagrożeń terrorystycznych oraz protestów społecznych wobec polityki otwartości, którą próbowała wdrożyć kanclerz Angela Merkel.

EN

The aim of article was to examine if the prime ministers of state governments in Germany (Winfried Kretschmann, Horst Seehofer, Bodo Ramelow, Stanislaw Tillich, Dietmar Woidke), who represent the main German political parties, maintained or reconsidered their standpoint on the asylum policy after 2015. The state governments’ policy, as well as the statements and actions of local politicians, will affect the results of the federal elections in 2017. The inflow of refugees has created new challenges in the integration policy: a rise in crime rate, an increased danger of terror and social protests against the Merkel open door policy have been observed.

14

The EU migration policy securitization process: From a domestic to a foreign dimension

57%

Caballero Vélez D., Krapivnitskaya E.

Studia z Polityki Publicznej

|

2020

|

vol. 7

|

issue 4(28)

105-122

PL

Artykuł poświęcony jest strategiom polityki zagranicznej Unii Europejskiej (UE) po kryzysie uchodźczym 2015 r., a jego celem jest zbadanie, do jakiego stopnia polityka migracyjna UE jest częścią europejskiej polityki zagranicznej. Wskazano, że polityka migracyjna w wymiarze wewnętrznym nie została przygotowana na nieskuteczność wspólnego działania. Aby tę nieskuteczność przełamać, zdecydowano o przeniesieniu polityki migracyjnej do wymiaru zewnętrznego UE. Tym samym postuluje się, aby migracje, które wcześniej uznawano za domenę polityki wewnętrznej państw członkowskich, z problemu polityki wewnętrznej stały się problemem polityki zagranicznej. W związku z tym autorzy badają wzajemne powiązania między migracjami a bezpieczeństwem jako kluczowym elementem zrozumienia tego procesu "zagranicznienia". Rozwój bliskiej współpracy z państwami trzecimi w obszarze regulacji dotyczącej migracji stał się jednym z priorytetów w całej polityce migracyjnej Unii Europejskiej, jednak nie odnotowała ona na tym polu większych sukcesów. Zarazem kryzys migracyjny jeszcze wyraźniej wskazał na konieczność rozwoju wymiaru zewnętrznego zarządzania procesem migracji, lecz tym razem zastosowano bardziej pragmatyczne podejście gwarantujące zabezpieczenie interesów UE w zakresie bezpieczeństwa. Podstawą zewnętrznego wymiaru europejskiej polityki migracyjnej są stosunki z państwami trzecimi i powiązanie pomocy rozwojowej z kwestiami bezpieczeństwa i ochrony granic. W artykule analizowane są debaty w Parlamencie Europejskim, które toczyły się przed i po kryzysie uchodźczym 2015 r., co służy ocenie powiązania kwestii migracyjnych i bezpieczeństwa, tym samym pogłębiając rozumienie procesu "zagranicznienia" europejskiej polityki migracyjnej.

EN

This article addresses the foreign policy strategies of the European Union (EU) after the 2015 refugee crisis. It investigates to what extent the EU migration policy is part of the European foreign policy. The paper outlines that the migration policy was not prepared for collective action failure at the domestic level, and, in order to overcome it, it is transferred to the external dimension of the EU. It argues that migration, previously considered being part of the state's domestic affairs, transformed from an issue of domestic policy to the foreign one. Thus, the authors study the interconnection between migration and security as a key element for understanding this "foreignization" process. The development of close cooperation with third countries in the field of migration regulation has become one of the priorities of the overall migration policy of the European Union. However, the EU has not gained much success, and the migration crisis even more clearly indicated the need to develop an external dimension to the management of migration processes, but in a more pragmatic approach that would ensure the EU's security interests. The basis for the external dimension of EU migration policy is relations with third countries and linking development assistance with security and border protection issues. The paper analyses EU parliamentary debates before and after the 2015 refugee crisis; by doing so, the interconnection between migration and security is assessed, leading to a further understanding of the EU migration "foreignization process".

15

Hungarian referendum on distribution of migration quotas. What about the European solidarity?

57%

Musiał-Karg M.

Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej

|

2019

|

issue 13

143-152

PL

W ostatnich latach krajowe referenda stały się popularnymi instrumentami podejmowania decyzji w bardzo problematycznych i kontrowersyjnych kwestiach (Grexit, Brexit, kryzys migracyjny). Węgierskie referendum w sprawie relokacji narzuconych przez UE kwot uchodźców jest jednym z przykładów takich głosowań. Oprócz kontekstu europejskiego, węgierskie referendum poświęcone było bardzo trudnemu i społecznie ważnemu zagadnieniu. Argumentuje się także, że głosowanie to było manewrem węgierskiego premiera Victora Orbana przeciwko Unii Europejskiej, jej solidarności i wspólnym interesom. Pamiętając, że kryzysy migracyjne należy traktować jako wspólne wyzwanie dla całej UE, a wszystkie państwa członkowskie powinny wziąć na siebie odpowiedzialność za poszukiwanie właściwych rozwiązań satysfakcjonujących wszystkie państwa członkowskie – za główny cel niniejszego artykułu przyjęto udzielenie odpowiedzi na pytanie o rolę węgierskiego referendum z 2016 r. dla realizacji zasady solidarności w Europie. Rozważania prowadzone w artykule miały również na celu znalezienie odpowiedzi na pytania dotyczące roli referendum w problematycznych/kontrowersyjnych kwestiach na Węgrzech oraz czynników wpływających na decyzję wyborców.

EN

In recent years national referenda have become popular instruments for making decisions on very problematic European issues (Grexit, Brexit, migration crisis). The Hungarian vote of 2016 on refugee quotas distribution seems to be one of them. Next to its importance in the Euopean context, the 2016 referendum was devoted to a very difficult and socially important problem. It is argued that this national referendum was a maneuver of Hungarian Prime Minister Victor Orban against the European Union, its solidarity and common interests. Having in mind that the migration crises should be treated as a joint challenge for the entire EU and all its member states should take a part of responsibility in seeking the proper solutions satisfying all MS – the main objective of this paper was to answer the question about the course and consequences of Hungarian referendum of 2016 for realization of the solidarity principle. The article aimed also at finding answers to the questions about the role of referendum on problematic/controversial issues in Hungary and about the factors impacting the voters decision.

16

Przezwyciężenie kryzysu uchodźczego w UE z punktu widzenia niemieckiej polityki rozwojowej

57%

Paterek A.

Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej

|

2016

|

issue 10

157-174

EN

The refugee crisis has become one of the most important topics on the EU’s and also Germany’s domestic political agenda. This paper analyses the contribution of the German development policy to deal with the growing influx of refugees from war zones and crisis areas into Europe. It deals with the question of the role of the development policy to forestall displacement. The German activities address three areas of intervention: tackling the root causes of displacement, supporting of refugees and stabilising host regions. The analysis take look at – among others – an initiative launched by the Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development(BMZ) to Tackling the root causes of displacement, reintegrating refugees.

PL

Kryzys migracyjny jest niewątpliwie jednym z najważniejszych tematów wyznaczających obecnie niemiecką i europejską debatę publiczną. Artykuł analizuje wkład niemieckiej współpracy rozwojowej w przezwyciężanie sytuacji patowej spowodowanej masowym napływem imigrantów do Europy. Niemieckie zaangażowanie koncentruje się przede wszystkim na zwalczaniu strukturalnych przyczyn uchodźctwa, wsparciu uchodźców i stabilizacji regionów przyjmujących. Ukazane zostały m.in. założenia inicjatywy Federalnego Ministerstwa WspółpracyGospodarczej i Rozwoju (BMZ) Zwalczanie przyczyn uchodźctwa – reintegracja uchodźców oraz jej realizacja.

17

Impact of refugee and migration crisis on greek tourism destinations

51%

Krasteva R.

Organizacja i Zarządzanie : kwartalnik naukowy

|

2018

|

vol. nr 1

71--79

EN

The refugee and migrants movement is a historical phenomenon, driven by global forces and having effects on politics, economy and community of the hosting countries. Especially, the refugee and migrant stream of recent years – 2015 and 2016, has a decisive impact on the demand of touristic services on the Greek islands in northern Aegean Sea. The aim of the study is to examine and to compare the expected and the real impact of the current migrant and refugee crisis on the tourism, social and economic sphere on the islands according to the interviewed hoteliers on islands Lesvos and Chios. Crucial to maintaining the good image of these tourism destinations, is the good coordination between the local communities, local authorities and those at national, regional and international level on marketing, economic and regional policy.

18

Niemieckie ugrupowania polityczne wobec kryzysu uchodźczego

51%

Nitszke A.

Teka Komisji Politologii i Stosunków Międzynarodowych

|

2017

|

vol. 12

|

issue 3

EN

The Federal Republic of Germany has developed a model of integration and assimilation of refugees and economic migrants, which for decades was a model for other European countries and the European Union (EU ). This was possible thanks to the consensus between the main political forces in the country, which, despite the natural alternation of power, do not undermine the main objectives of both foreign policy as well as internal, including the approach to immigrants. The situation changed after 2011 and the events in North Africa, known as the Arab Spring, the consequence of which was a massive influx of refugees and immigrants to Germany. This article examines the position of the main political parties in relation to the refugee crisis.

PL

Republika Federalna Niemiec (RFN) wypracowała model integracji i asymilacji uchodźców i imigrantów zarobkowych, który przez dziesięciolecia stanowił wzór dla innych państw europejskich i Unii Europejskiej (UE ). Było to możliwe dzięki konsensusowi pomiędzy głównymi siłami politycznymi w kraju, które, mimo naturalnej alternacji władzy, nie podważały głównych założeń zarówno polityki zagranicznej, jak też wewnętrznej, w tym kwestii podejścia do imigrantów. Sytuacja uległa zmianie po 2011 r. i wydarzeniach w Afryce Północnej, zwanych arabską wiosną, których konsekwencją stał się masowy napływ uchodźców i imigrantów do Niemiec. W artykule przeanalizowane zostaną stanowiska głównych partii politycznych w odniesieniu do kryzysu uchodźczego.

19

„Federalny program ratunkowy” Centrum Politycznego Piękna jako przykład performansu pamięci wielokierunkowej

51%

Tabak W.

Didaskalia. Gazeta Teatralna

|

2021

|

issue 165

8-34

EN

The article highlights the activities of the Centre for Political Beauty), a Berlin-based collective operating on the border of art and activism. The author maps the artistic strategies of the creators, discusses their inspirations and general assumptions of the collective. A significant part of the text is devoted to an extensive analysis of Federal Emergency Programme (2014), a public intervention whose starting point was an attempt to rewrite the historical Kindertransport rescue operation to the socio-political realities shaped by the conflict in Syria. Using the theory of reconstruction and the Michael Rothberg’s theory of multidirectional memory, the author refers to this project – and other similarly structured actions – as “performances of multidirectional memory”, which allows her to point out how the highly polarizing the public, artistic-activist campaigns of Centre for Political Beauty create scenarios of political alternatives in which different experiences of extreme violence are not prioritized.

20

Reakcja polskich wydawców dla dzieci na kryzys azylowy (2015–2022)

51%

Bednarek M.

Porównania

|

2022

|

vol. 32

|

issue 2

317-334

EN

Since 2016, Polish publishers have released 26 children’s books concerning refugees, victims of the crisis of migration policy, which started in Europe in 2015. Since then, the refugee question has become more direct and more important for Poland. Due to the crisis at the Belarussian border in 2021 and the war in Ukraine in 2022, refugees started to appear in the Polish territory, first in groups, later in masses. The aim of the article is to examine the correlation between dominant discourse on migration policy, geographical distance to crisis and cultural gap between Polish people and the refugees on the one hand, and the size of publishing houses and publishing policy of small, medium and large publishers on the other hand. The author describes the reactions of Polish children’s publishers in each phase of the crisis in Poland and the changing political attitudes towards refugees. A study on 51 publishers and 32 children’s books leads to the conclusion that the reaction to the refugee crisis depends on the size of a publishing house. Small and medium publishers are eager to engage in conflict with the dominant policy, whereas large publishers support refugees’ cause only if this cause is accepted by the dominant discourse.

PL

Od 2016 roku na polskim rynku wydawniczym dla dzieci pojawiło 26 tytułów dotyczących przymusowych migrantów. Ich obecność powiązana jest ściśle z narastającym od 2015 roku kryzysem polityki migracyjnej w Europie, który na przestrzeni minionych lat coraz mocniej dotykał Polskę. Kolejne fazy kryzysu azylowego wyznaczonego przez kryzys na granicy polsko-białoruskiej (2019) oraz wojnę w Ukrainie (2022) wywoływały różne reakcje wydawców dla dzieci. Celem artykułu jest zbadanie związku między dominującym dyskursem nt. uchodźców, dystansem przestrzennym od kryzysu oraz dystansem kulturowym od przymusowych migrantów a aktywnością wydawców dla dzieci w zakresie publikacji książek dotyczących kryzysu azylowego. Analiza segmentu rynku dla dzieci w latach 2015–2022 uwzględniająca wymienione parametry prowadzi do wniosku, że książka dla dzieci jest przestrzenią intensywnego napięcia ideologicznego, przebiegającego na linii między wielkimi i małymi wydawnictwami.

Refine search results

Refugee crisis – casus of Cottbus

Solidarity in the structure of the European Union’s axionormative system in the context of the refugee crisis

Refugee Crisis as a Motive for Political Communication in Poland

Die Flüchtlingskrise 2015 im Spiegel der polnischen Presse: Eine Analyse von Nominationsstrategien

The attitude of Poland and polish Society toward the 1999 Kosovo refugees

The ebbs and flows of the Holocaust and the Gulag memory in EU-rope. Memory dynamics in national and transnational contexts

New beginnings? The refugee “crisis”, the “Other”, and Islamic religious education in Germany

Česká republika v době uprchlické krize: spoluhráč, nebo solitér?

Chechen’s Lesson. Challenges of Integrating Refugee Children in a Transit Country: A Polish Case Study

ON THE PROBLEM OF SELF-POSITIONING AND POSITIONING OF THE OTHER IN VLADIMR VERTLIB NOVEL VIKTOR HILFT

Antiopresívne prístupy ako nástroj riešenia utečeneckej krízy

The Ruptures and Continuities in Hungary’s Reception Policy: The Ukrainian Refugee Crisis

Kryzys migracyjny z perspektywy premierów niemieckich krajów związkowych

The EU migration policy securitization process: From a domestic to a foreign dimension

Hungarian referendum on distribution of migration quotas. What about the European solidarity?

Przezwyciężenie kryzysu uchodźczego w UE z punktu widzenia niemieckiej polityki rozwojowej

Impact of refugee and migration crisis on greek tourism destinations

Niemieckie ugrupowania polityczne wobec kryzysu uchodźczego

„Federalny program ratunkowy” Centrum Politycznego Piękna jako przykład performansu pamięci wielokierunkowej

Reakcja polskich wydawców dla dzieci na kryzys azylowy (2015–2022)