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EN
The paper examines the efforts to enhance regional cooperation in the Western Balkans and how this has increased engagement between the EU and the Western Balkans. The regional initiatives are more present when the European Union (EU) shows little interest in the Western Balkans region. However, these efforts have yet to address all the concerns adequately and have not brought to life tangible results despite many political declarations. One of the most commented initiatives, like the Open Balkans, has caused concern in the region and caused tension between Kosovo and Albania over the past few years. The paper enlightens the challenges of regional cooperation during the last years, the contribution of this process in the integration process, and the role played by Albania. Also, the paper tries to analyze the success and failures of the "Open Balkan" initiative and the Regional Common Market. Furthermore, the paper framework examined the progress of regional cooperation initiatives and the region's attention to the European integration process. Additionally, the paper seeks to determine whether regional cooperation is a viable alternative for the region or merely an external-driven initiative and the role of the EU in promoting regional cooperation
EN
The Bay of Bengal is the largest bay in the world that forms the northeastern part of the Indian Ocean, bordered mostly by the Eastern Coast of India, southern coast of Bangladesh and Sri Lanka to the west and Myanmar and the Andaman and Nicobar Islands (part of India) to the east. The regional management of the Bay of Bengal water area is performed by regional organisations such as ASEAN, SAARC, BIMSTEC and IORA unifying Bay’s coastal states. Nevertheless, differences in political and economic interests of the states, separate conflicts between states and consequences of the pandemic not only challenged the integrity of the regional management but also led to rising insecurity of the Bay of Bengal and fears to navigate in that area. In this article, the authors, in a more detailed way, will disclose existing regional management systems, concerns related to maritime security and give recommendations on how to increase efficiency in collective management of maritime security issues and how the concept of due diligence may play the vital role in the regulation of not only maritime security aspects but also aspects of environmental protection and potential transition to the blue economy.
EN
Poland, Czechoslovakia and Hungary established a closer relationship in the late eighties and early nineties of the twentieth century as a result of the fight against the communist system. In these difficult times interconnection helped to develop common goals to achieve. A similar level of development and the geopolitical situation in the three countries activated the society to act. Accession to the European Communities and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization was the main priority in those years. However, accession criteria were quite a challenge and only joint actions in this direction enable the challenges posed by the Member States of these organizations. This article presents the beginnings of cooperation Polish, Czechoslovakia and Hungary formed mainly within the Visegrad Triangle, included the difficulties that were to be overcome. It shows all steps in the development of regional relations and the way to democracy and a market economy. The complexity and spontaneity of this process is an important example of informal, and effective cooperation between countries, which has been going for over two decades.
RU
Польша, Чехословакия и Венгрия наладили близкие отношения в конце 80- тых и в начале 90-тых годов как результат борьбы с коммунистической системой. В эти тяжелые времена, взаимные политические и экономические связи между странами, способствовали выработке общих приоритетов для достижения совместных целей. Сходний уровень экономического развития и геополитическое положение трех стран способствовал активизации деятельности общества. Вступление в ЕС и Североатлантический альянс составляло в этот период главный приоритет. Однако критерии членства оказались трудной задачей и только совместная кооперация и сотрудничество Польши, Чехословакии и Венгрии в этом направлении дало возможность выполнить условия поставленные государствами-членами ЕС. В этой статьи представлено начальный эиап сотрудничества Польши, Чехословакии и Венгрии, в рамках Вышеградского треугольника, учитывая все проблемы с которыми боролись вышеупомянутые страны. В тексте также описаны основные этапы развития региональных отношений, а также путь к демократии и рыночной экономике. Сложность и спонтанность этого процесса является примером неформального, но эффективного сотрудничества между государствами, которое продолжается уже более 20 лет.
EN
The conference “Europe of the Carpathians” took place in Przemyśl on 17 February 2018. It was the twentieth jubilee conference of the initiative begun in 2011 by the then Deputy to the Sejm of the Republic of Poland Marek Kuchciński. The aim of “Europe of the Carpathians” is to hold a discussion by a large group of politicians, local government representatives and scientists on the cooperation of Central and Eastern European states. During the conference, the guests discussed parliamentary traditions in Central and Eastern Europe, the role of the region in the European Union, Carpathian initiatives, local government and Carpathian universities cooperation. The conference was attended by representatives of Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia, Ukraine, Romania, and Bulgaria.
EN
The aim of this paper is to present selected experiences of European Union trade liberalization, impact of globalization on vulnerable sectors of the EU. Many such experiences are discussed. Central Asian countries must consider vast amount of data, sector-specific information and aspects and still it will not be easy to say that pursued liberalization is the good direction to a wealthier nation with healthy regions, richer citizens and higher tax income for government. We start with brief introduction discussing primary motivation for European liberalization, then we focus on review selected literature sources, concluding that liberalization in general is a good thing and that there is very high probability of success but no guarantees can be drawn as every country is very specific and all policies must be pursued with high degree of attention and thorough analysis. Based on good EU examples of BFTA and CEFTA we recommend considering multilateral free trade agreement within CIS free trade area.
EN
The article examines the problem of competitiveness in Southeast European countries, with a special emphasis on the position of these countries in World Economic Forum rankings of competitiveness, as well on their potential membership in the European Union. The article determines the most problematic factors for doing business in the region. These factors represent the most important determinants of business sector competitiveness and have implications on national competitiveness. A TOWS matrix was created and established the common characteristics (strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats) of the countries in the region. The matrix was also used to suggest strategies for increasing competitiveness. A maxi-maxi strategy ("expansionary strategy") was suggested because it represents the best way to utilise the countries' strengths and opportunities. Cross-section analysis established that increasing gross enrolment ratio in tertiary education and direct foreign investments have the most the positive impacts on GCI scores.
EN
The Baltic Sea region was involved in, and impacted by, several significant political transformations in the 1990s: The USSR had disintegrated; Estonia, Lithuania and Latvia had achieved statehood; Poland had regained sovereignty and joined NATO; and Sweden and Finland had become members of the EU. Conditions for developing cooperation in the Nordic-Baltic region were present, and the establishment of the CBSS in 1992 was crucial in this respect. Poland became a viable partner for the Nordic countries. The Nordic-Baltic region started to play an important role in the European Union, and in the foreign policies of Germany, the USA and Russia. Many regional initiatives have emerged. The author carries out an analysis of the international situation in the region. He points out the importance of the northern component of Polish foreign policy, and he describes conditions, priorities and risks of this policy. The issue of Poland’s northern policy today remains open for further consideration
EN
The objective of the present paper is to discuss the Three Seas Initiative (TSI) as a project in statu nascendi. The TSI aims to tighten the cooperation of states located between the Baltic, the Black, and the Adriatic seas. The initiative was inaugurated during the Dubrovnik summit (Croatia) in August 2016. The TSI encompasses EU member states. The second summit was held in Warsaw on 6th May 2017. In 2018, the third summit will be held in Romania. The paper will outline objectives the initiative aims to achieve and its determinants. Subsequently, challenges and threats for the EU associated with the initiative will be discussed. Will the TSI fall hostage to thinking in geopolitical categories, or will it constitute a new model of regional cooperation?
9
Content available remote

Partnership Cooperation of Lublin and Western Ukraine

88%
PL
Lublin, one of the largest eastern cities on the Vistula River, is in new geopolitical situation and is attempt to build its images as the “Gateway to the East.” Lublin’s cooperation with the East is based on official contacts of the city and the private involvement of business and individuals in the development of good neighborly relations. This article is a small attempt at summarizing the cooperation of the city with its largest partner in the East – Ukraine.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14761
EN
The goal of this work is to outline the current mutual relations between Poland and the Nordic countries, taking into consideration not only their internal differentiation but most of all the scope of their impact on the European scene and beyond. When examining Poland’s relations with the Nordic countries today, we must do so on a multifaceted level: firstly, within the bilateral dimension considering, however, the growing internal cooperation among those countries in various fields; secondly, in terms of a regional cooperation, and, thirdly, as a very important aspect of the European Union and Transatlantic policy towards the East. Hence it is in the interest of Poland to develop all structures of cooperation which bond the Baltic countries. The strengthening of the Baltic-Nordic cooperation will determine the status of Poland as an important regional center both for the EU and the contacts with Russia, Ukraine, and other countries of Eastern and South-Eastern Europe.
EN
This article aims to examine factors influencing the development of international environmental cooperation and the roles of particular actors participating in environmental cooperation. In general, the majority of international actors agree with the importance of environmental protection but demonstrate different visions in terms of necessary measures. The final result depends on their capability to find common ground. It is assumed that the EU, with its strong environmental policy, realizes the importance of transborder coordination of environmental measures and tries to promote environmental cooperation. Russia was a serious challenge to the EU in terms of environmental security due to its geographic proximity, its severe environmental problems, and its harmful influence over environmental situation in the EU member states. The EU policy towards Russia demonstrates how the EU promotes environmental cooperation and ensures improvement of the environmental situation in the neighboring states. This paper will answer the following research questions: what factors determine the motivation of international actors participating in environmental cooperation; how the EU environmental traditions and decision-making procedures influence its external environmental activities; and how the EU tries to influence Russian environmental policy.
EN
The paper examines the intricate relationship between armed conflict and regional integration, focusing on its role as an ‘undoing’ force in the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) context. A significant element of development and economic cooperation in Africa is the perennial problem of violent conflict in almost all sub-regions. Moreover, organized crime is rising across the continent, coupled with the emergence of new forms of violence associated with today’s globalization and other post-Cold War phenomena. Globalization has led to greater interdependence among countries and fostered cooperation among states. However, a country’s internal conflict often has repercussions beyond its borders and threatens regional and global peace and stability. In addition, armed conflict can affect countries’ relations and state cooperation. Peace provides a good foundation for development and economic cooperation, while development ensures the permanence of peace. The central question addressed in this paper is whether constructive regional economic integration and cooperation can be effectively achieved while some African countries are experiencing armed conflict. A qualitative research approach is used to analyze how armed conflict will likely negatively impact the achievement of AfCFTA goals.
PL
Współczesne badania empiryczne wskazują na trwałość i duże znaczenie systemów wartości ukształtowanych we wspólnotach etnicznych w życiu ludzi i grup społecznych. Efektywna współpraca przedstawicieli różnych grup kulturowych we wspólnych zespołach pracowniczych wymaga nie tyle zrozumienia i tolerancji, co identyfikacji różnic i negocjacji warunków porozumienia. Szczególne znaczenie w tym zakresie ma stosowanie wielopoziomowości norm; odróżniając te dotyczące kontaktów w pracy, od regulujących relacje we życiu koleżeńskim i rodzinnym, po koegzystencję systemów wartości w społecznościach lokalnych, regionalnych i krajowych. Pomocne w tym zakresie jest stosowanie negocjacji, definicji warunków brzegowych, logiki wielowartościowej. Rozwiązywaniu tych problemów sprzyja wzajemne zrozumienie, akceptacja odmienności, zgoda na wielotorowość dróg życiowych i karier zawodowych, różnorodność sposobów życia i różnorodność poziomu materialnego
EN
The contemporary empirical research indicate the permanence and great importance of the value systems formed in ethnic communities in the life of people and social groups. An effective cooperation of representatives of various cultural groups in collective workers’ teams requires not so much understanding and tolerance as identification of differences and negotiating conditions of the agreement. Of a particular importance in this field is application of multi-level norms, distinguishing those concerning contacts at work from those regulating relationships in the amicable and family life, to coexistence of the value systems in local, regional and national communities. Auxiliary in this area is the use of negotiation, definition of boundary conditions, multiple-valued logics. Resolution of these problems is facilitated by mutual understanding, acceptance of diversity, consent to the variety of paths of life and professional careers, multiplicity of ways of life and diversity of material level.
EN
Recent years the growing confrontation between the Russian Federation, the United States, and the EU is accompanied by Moscow’s searching the alternative allies for its diplomatic support. Iran is called one of such allies today. The Russian-Iranian relations are interesting both in terms of sectoral and geographical fields. The region of Central Asia is of particular importance. The need to consider such aspects is explained by the strengthening of Iran’s position in Central Asia as a direct zone of Russian interests in a sense of its economic, cultural, and religious presence.
EN
Cooperation in the South Pacific region is unique due to the characteristics of its participants. Following the period of decolonization (1962-1980), countries in Oceania have radically changed. Achieving independence gave those nations international legal personality, yet complete independence from their former colonial powers. The following consequence was gaining an opportunity to draft, adopt and execute own laws in national and foreign policy. PICT (Pacific island countries and territories) have been expanding connections, political and trade ones, within the region since the 1960s when permanent migration of islanders and intra-regional transactions began. Migrations along with foreign aid are considered as the distinctive characteristics of the Pacific Ocean basin. Since the 1980s, the regional integration in Oceania, through establishing regional groupings and increasing the regional trade agreements number, took on pace and scope. The MIRAB synthetic measure (migration, remittances, aid, bureaucracy) has been used in analyzing the Oceania developing microeconomies. Last but not least, migration and foreign aid have been retaining the region from a deeper and more effective stage of regionalism.
EN
This article proves relevance of the cooperation between the states of the Baltic and Black Sea region and reveals the prospects of Ukraine’s participation in interstate cooperation within the Baltic-Black Sea region in view of the current state of the international system and the conflict with Russia. Also the review of ideological and theoretical approaches to understanding the Baltic and Black Sea region is carried out and its potential is emphasized from the point of view of policy of NATO and the EU. It is established that the priority of cooperation in the Baltic and Black Sea region is the transport, economic policy of the sphere. The emphasis is placed on distinctions between the certain states of the region (Russia, Turkey) concerning regional security. The need of attraction to cooperation for the Baltic and Black Sea region of a wide range of the states for the purpose of overcoming the unsuccessful experience of cooperation and creation of new effective regional security architecture is confirmed.
PL
Celem artykułu jest analiza założeń programowych dotyczących polityki zagranicznej, które zostały sformułowane przez partie ruchu ludowego po roku 1989. Obszarem zainteresowania były kwestie stosunku do integracji europejskiej, koncepcji współpracy regionalnej, relacji Polski z sąsiadami, polskiej obecności w NATO oraz przyszłej wizji Unii Europejskiej. Analiza obejmuje programy przedwyborcze z lat 1991, 1993, 1997, 2001, jak również dokumenty programowe ogłoszone w 1989 r. przez dwa ugrupowania ruchu ludowego, które w tym okresie rozpoczęły swoją działalność. Badanie odnosi się do koncepcji wypracowanych przez: PSL „O”, PSL „S”, PSL, SLCh, SKL, Samoobronę RP.
EN
The aim of the article is to analyze the program assumptions of foreign policy, formulated by Polish people`s parties after the year 1989. The area of the interests are: attitudes to the process of European integration, concepts of regional cooperation, relations with neighboring countries, Polish presence in NATO and future vision of European Union. The analysis concerned pre-election programs from the years: 1991, 1993, 1997, 2001, as well as documents created in the year 1989, when two people`s parties were created. The study covered concepts developed by: PSL “O”, PSL “S”, PSL, PL, SLCh, SKL, Samoobrona RP.
PL
W celu uświadomienia sobie znaczenia najważniejszych wydarzeń historycznych i istoty współczesnych inicjatyw w ramach Regionu Morza Bałtyckiego ( RMB ) niniejszy artykuł porusza następujące kwestie: ¬– wysiłki polskiej dyplomacji zmierzające do stworzenia stabilnej formy politycznej i militarnej współpracy w subregionie Morza Bałtyckiego i Europy Wschodniej w okresie międzywojennym, – nieudaną próbę integracji Potrójnej Bałtyckiej Ententy przez Kraje bałtyckie (Litwę, Łotwę, Estonię) – przedstawienie czynników determinujących skuteczne i udane partnerstwo pojawiające się w regionie Morza Bałtyckiego na początku XXI wieku, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem inicjatyw podejmowanych przez Polskę i państwa bałtyckie; – starania Polski i państw bałtyckich, aby wspólnie stworzyć "jedność braterstwa" w regionie Morza Bałtyckiego. Na samym końcu artykułu przedstawiono analizę polskiej polityki zagranicznej z początku wieku oraz ogólne wytyczne dla nowo powstałych krajów bałtyckich (Litwa, Łotwa i Estonia).
XX
In order to realize the meaning of the major historical events and the essence of contemporary initiatives in the context of the Baltic Sea Region (BSR),this paper identifies the following issues: – efforts of the Polish diplomacy to create a stable form of political and military cooperation in the subregion of the Baltic Sea and Eastern European region in the interwar period; – not a successful attempt to integrate The Triple Baltic Entente by the Baltic States (Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia); – presentation of the factors that determine the effective and successful partnerships emerging in the BSR in the early twenty-first century, with particular emphasis on the initiatives taken by Poland and Baltic states; – efforts of Poland and the Baltic states to jointly cope with the formation of „unity of brotherhood” in BSR. Last but least, the article presents an analysis of the Polish foreign policy at the beginning of the century and the general directives for the newly established Baltic countries (Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia).
PL
W artykule przedstawiono analizę współpracy pomiędzy lokalnymi instytucjami w miastach europejskich, które wyłaniają się pod wpływem rozporządzeń wspólnotowych ustanawiających przepisy ogólne w sprawie funduszy strukturalnych, zwłaszcza w okresie programowania 2000-2006. W szczególności artykuł analizuje istniejące formy współpracy w dwóch europejskich miastach: w Krakowie, mieście z nowego kraju członkowskiego Unii Europejskiej, i w Glasgow, ze starego kraju członkowskiego UE.
EN
This paper analyses various forms of cooperation between local institutions in European cities, which emerge from the impact of European regulations laying down general provisions on structural funds, mostly in the programming period 2000-2006. More specifically, the paper addresses the issues of whether mobilization around EU-funded projects contributes to the emergence of new forms of cooperation or whether actors benefiting from EU funds are based on pre-existing local networks and relationships. Cooperation among institutions is analysed from two perspectives: ‘top down’ (decision making processes around EU projects) and ‘bottom up’ (mobilization to benefit EU funds). Specifically, this paper analyses existing forms of interactions between actors within two European cities: Krakow (from a new member state) and Glasgow (from an old member state).
EN
The article sets out the content of the main theses of Ukrainian and foreign scientific works on the European policy of the Benelux countries. The author determines the role of the Union of Benelux in the European space. Benelux is an important alliance for both member states and for the European continent as a whole. It played a key role in restoring the economies of Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg after the Second World War. The Union of Belgium, Luxembourg and the Netherlands also served as a catalyst for the establishment of the Community of Coal and Steel in 1950 and, ultimately, of the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1957. The success of the Union can be explained by the joint efforts of the three Member States. The historiography of the topic includes some scientific spectrum and volume of literature, which consists mainly of works on the foreign policy of individual countries that are part of the Benelux union. In the national historiography, attention is paid to the problems of Ukrainian-Belgian, Ukrainian-Dutch, and others relations of different historical periods. On the other hand, in foreign historiography, the problem of the historical evolution of political mechanisms to ensure the functioning of the foreign policy of the Benelux countries is considered in great detail. Some studies were devoted to the relations between the European Union and the Union of Belgium, Luxembourg and the Netherlands, namely the impact of the European Union on the national identity of the Benelux countries. Several works consider the interaction of the Benelux countries on the international scene. A considerable number of works highlights the conceptual problems of the foreign policy of the Benelux countries and their influence on the international arena both in historical aspect and at the present stage. It is concluded that the foreign policy of the Benelux countries towards Ukraine was studied by foreign authors. Most of the works consider the issues of the establishment of Ukraine-Benelux relations only in terms of relations between Ukraine and the European Union as a single organism.
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