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EN
The purpose of this paper was to present ideas related to the creation of a self-government party in Poland, bringing together representatives of local authorities, community activists and all those for whom the idea of local self-government built „from the bottom up” was close to their hearts. The idea of creating a local government party appeared several times in discussions of members of Liga Krajowa association, which was an active entity on the political scene, a member of Electoral Action Solidarity of the Right, from the list of which League had its parliamentary representation. These concepts first appeared at the basis of the association's formation and then had a close connection with its further presence on the political scene. The local government party was supposed to be an electoral platform with a specific right-wing and centre-right political orientation, as well as to be the most important support for representatives of local authorities, but all efforts in this regard failed.
EN
Political and public debates unfolding online provide various spaces for interaction between political actors, citizens and media outlets. This environment can be employed for diverse agendas, frames and biases, especially within populist narratives. This work examines the discourse of Central and Eastern European right-wing populists from Austria, Germany, Hungary and Poland (2015-2021). To identify discursive patterns within public Facebook posts (n=192,057) by 31 party, movement and partisan news media pages, created by API interrogation, right-wing discourse is analyzed through semi-automated quantitative content analysis based on text mining, in conjunction with qualitative content analysis of messages that generated the highest engagement-rates (n=80). Key findings indicate both national and international narrative patterns with a focus on political, social and ethnic opponents, by incorporating Engesser et al.’s (2017) core elements of right-wing populist discourse within Master Populist Frame building (Heinisch & Mazzoleni, 2017), thus marking the contemporary agenda of European right-wing discourse.
EN
Political extremism (and particularly right wing political extremism) remains relatively insufficiently explored due to the fact that the phenomenon is controversial and hard to define. Its ambiguity and variability depending on time and spatial point of view further complicates its definition. Its structure is amorphous and eclectic as it often includes elements from different ideologies and connects incompatible ideas. A multidimensional conceptualization and an interdisciplinary approach - sociological, social, psychological and historical, are the Author’s tools in explaining the phenomenon of political extremism in Serbia, hopefully contributing to its clarification and laying a foundation for its further explanatory theoretical studies.
EN
The article concerns the support for the gender quota system in the elections in Poland. The research was conducted on a double sample of adults for a representative national research, by means of quota sampling method (n = 2119). The respondents who believed that there is insufficient representation of women in parliament outnumbered those with the opposite opinion. We have observed a reluctance among the respondents to introduce solutions aimed at strengthening women’s representation. The difference in views were determined by political preferences, gender, age, domicile, and education. Women and leftist supporters more frequently believed that there are too few women in parliament and supported quotas, as opposed to men and persons with right-wing views. The differences were observed in the youngest age category, where women more often opted for quotas than men.
EN
Israel’s party system has been characterized by the bipolar rivalry between the left-wing and right-wing blocks since the late 1970s. In recent years we could have seen at least two trends that seem to diverge from this model. For the last 9 years, the Likud party has formed three successive governments which have made Benjamin Netanyahu the longest continuously serving prime minister in the history of Israel. Another new occurrence is the preservation of a significant representation of the centre parties for four Knesset terms in the row. The aim of the paper is to verify whether Israel’s party system has departed from the two-blocs bipolar model. Based on the empirical data (election results, government formation, party’s political platforms) it examines whether the parties’ rivalry in the years 2009–2018 differed qualitatively from the previous period. To answer this question the paper investigates three hypotheses. First – Likud has become a dominant party in Israel. Second – a dominant and stable Israeli right-wing parties’ bloc has formed. Third – an enduring and relevant centre sector has emerged in Israel’s party system.
Literatura Ludowa
|
2022
|
vol. 66
|
issue 4
77-89
EN
References to fear are often associated with narratives created by right-wing parties and media, especially while talking about issues such as gender, LGBTQIA+ or abortion. However, similar practices can be found in centre-liberal discourse, proving that the creation and reproduction of the dialectic of fear can apply to all agents, no matter their political affiliation. The article aims to challenge popular academic perceptions of the sources of fear by proposing a counterperspective that means to shift perception on agents of polarisation. Used examples focus on contemporary Polish mainstream centre-liberal newspapers which reproduce fear in their narrative, adding to both local and worldwide phenomena of political polarisation and radicalisation.
PL
Greta Thunberg w ostatnich latach stała się symbolem światowego ruchu na rzecz ochrony klimatu. Celem artykułu jest analiza tego, jak Szwedka przedstawiana jest w prawicowych mediach. Przedmiotem analizy są fragmenty tekstów medialnych publikowane w okresie od sierpnia 2018 do listopada 2020 roku, uzupełnione o treści pojawiające się w serwisach społecznościowych. Zebrany materiał pokazuje, że centralną kategorią używaną do przedstawienia Grety Thunberg jest jej wiek, natomiast negatywność narracji uzupełniona jest przez kategorię choroby. Zgodnie z przyjętymi założeniami metodologicznymi krytycznej analizy dyskursu zadaniem tekstu jest znalezienie odpowiedzi na pytanie, w jakim celu politycznym wykorzystuje się właśnie te kategorie. W artykule wskazano trzy stosowane strategie wyciszania: szowinistyczną, liberalną oraz konserwatywną. Badanie sposobu, w jaki opisuje się Thunberg, wydaje się szczególnie istotne, ponieważ język wykorzystywany do opisu Szwedki jest nie tylko elementem komunikacji, ale przede wszystkim mechanizmem walki politycznej z ideologicznymi przeciwnikami bądź przeciwniczkami prawicy.
EN
In recent years Greta Thunberg has become a symbol of the global climateprotection movement. The aim of the article is to analyse how this Swedish activist is portrayed in the right-wing media on the basis of press articles published between August 2018 and November 2020, and content appearing on social networks. The material shows that the central category used to describe Greta Thunberg is age, while the negativity of the narrative is supplemented by the category of disease. In accordance with the methodological assumptions of critical discourse analysis, the article aims to elaborate on the political purpose for which these categories are used. The article indicates three strategies employed in political disputes: chauvinist, liberal, and conservative. Studying how Thunberg is described seems particularly significant because the language used against her is not only an element of communication but is first and foremost a mechanism of the right’s political struggle against its ideological opponents.
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