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1

UŻYCIE PRZEMOCY WOBEC OSOBY ORAZ GROŹBA NATYCHMIASTOWEGO JEJ UŻYCIA JAKO ZNAMIONA (ŚRODKI PRZYMUSU) PRZESTĘPSTWA ROZBOJU (ART. 280 § 1 K.K.)

100%

TYBURCY T.

Przegląd Policyjny

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2018

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vol. 2(130)

162-179

PL

Użycie przemocy wobec osoby oraz groźba natychmiastowego jej użycia to znamiona (środki przymusu) przestępstwa rozboju (art. 280 § 1 k.k.). Ich wykładnia budzi spory w piśmiennictwie i orzecznictwie oraz zmieniała się na przestrzeni ostatnich kilkudziesięciu lat. Jest ona bardzo istotna, gdyż jeżeli uznamy, że sprawca nie zastosował środków przymusu z art. 280 § 1 k.k., to jego czyn wypełnia znamiona przestępstwa kradzieży lub wykroczenia kradzieży i skutkuje to radykalnym zmniejszeniem ustawowego zagrożenia karnego. Podstawowym problemem interpretacyjnym budzącym spory w piśmiennictwie i orzecznictwie jest ocena, od jakiego stopnia intensywności mamy do czynienia z użyciem przemocy w rozumieniu art. 280 § 1 k.k. Nie wypełnia znamion rozboju sprawca, który odgina palce pokrzywdzonego w celu zdjęcia mu obrączki. Środkiem przymusu rozboju jest przemoc wobec osoby, a nie wobec rzeczy (np. niszczenie mienia). Sprawca rozboju może stosować przemoc również wobec innej osoby niż ta, której kradnie mienie. Sporny charakter ma również znamię groźby natychmiastowego użycia przemocy wobec osoby. Wydaje się, że natychmiastowość może łączyć się w czasie z samą groźbą, lecz może czasowo odbiegać od niej, jeżeli na jej spełnienie pozostawiono pokrzywdzonemu jakiś czas, jednakże bez rozerwania ciągłości czasowo-przestrzennej pomiędzy groźbą a czasem pozostawionym na jej wykonanie.

2

ASPEKTY PRAWNE KWALIFIKOWANYCH TYPÓW PRZESTĘPSTWA ZABÓJSTWA — DOKTRYNA I ORZECZNICTWO

86%

Łabuz P., Sawicki K.

Przegląd Policyjny

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2017

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vol. 2(126)

30-45

PL

Artykuł ma celu przybliżenie tematyki związanej z występującymi w polskim prawie karnym materialnym prawnymi aspektami typów kwalifi kowanych przestępstwa zabójstwa. Niewątpliwie jest ono najpoważniejszym z przestępstw godzącym w największą wartość, jaką jest życie ludzkie. Systematyczne ujęcie problemu umożliwiło w sposób przejrzysty ukazanie ustawowych znamion przestępstwa określonego w art. 148 § 2 i 3 kodeksu karnego oraz okoliczności wpływających na prawidłową kwalifi kację prawną. W opracowaniu jednocześnie wykazano okoliczności wpływające na orzekanie najsurowszych kar w przypadku morderstwa.

3

Problematyka badawcza metodyki przeprowadzania okazania

86%

Juszka K.

Przegląd Policyjny

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2016

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vol. 3(123)

51-56

PL

Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie wyników badań własnych 154 spraw sądowych i prokuratorskich, w których przeprowadzono okazania osoby, wizerunku i rzeczy w sprawach zabójstw, rozbojów i zgwałceń. Analizowane sprawy były losowane metodą nazywaną w badaniach statystycznych — metodą losowania zespołowego wieloetapowego, która w Polsce jest powszechnie stosowana w naukach społecznych. Prezentacja problematyki badawczej okazania zostanie poddana analizie z punktu widzenia realizacji zasad przeprowadzania tej czynności. Taktyczny i procesowy rozwój problematyki okazania uwzględniający także przedstawione w niniejszym artykule postulaty de lege ferenda przyczyni się do dalszego rozwoju badań nad tytułową czynnością.

4

Młodociani sprawcy rozboju

81%

Wójcik D.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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1972

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issue V

151-189

EN

The study presents the findings of an inquiry conducted among 60 young adults (male) serving sentences for robbery in a Warsaw prison. These 60 offenders (aged I7 - 20) formed part of a total of 229 young adults convicted of robbery and confined in this Warsaw prison between 1 October, 1966 and 30 November, 1968, with regard to whom details were secured of their criminal records from the age of ten. Of these 229 young persons, whose average age was 18.8, as many as 76 per cent had previous convictions, 58 per cent of them having appeared in juvenile courts and 48 per cent in criminal courts for offenders over 17 years of age. Of those who had appeared in juvenile courts 42 per cent had three or more appearances. The fact that three-quarters of the young adults convicted of robbery in Warsaw are repeated offenders indicates a need to analyze the types of their offences. As regards offences committed as juveniles, these were usually thefts, the proportion of crimes of violence not exceeding 18 per cent. Above the age of seventeen, however, the structure of their offences changes, since 36 per cent involved acts of physical assault and 14 per cent offences with verbal aggression (i.e. slander); offences against property, on the other hand, came to 48 per cent. The young recidivists convicted of robbery differ basically (p < 0.001) from young adults guilty of other offences (previously surveyed by the Department of Criminology) since the majority of the latter (as much as 67 per cent) were offences against property (usually larceny). The above evidence indicates therefore that the problem of aggressiveness requires special attention in studies of robbery offences committed by young adults. A more detailed inquiry was, as has been said, conducted among 60 young adults serving sentences for robbery, of whom 82 per cent had more than one previous conviction. The control group consisted of 43 young recidivists convicted of various offences (chiefly theft) with the exception of robbery. The first point to be made is that the subjects revealed, according to the accounts of their mothers, marked behaviour disorders as early as pre-school age (overactivity and restlessness, stubbornness, etc.). Evidence of such behaviour disorders below the age of seven was found much more frequently among offenders convicted of robbery (61 per cent) than in the control group containing young adult recidivists who had committed other offences (34 per cent). Only 69 per cent of the robbery offenders had completed the seven grades of elementary school, and of these only 12 pet cent had never been kept back a grade, while 24 per cent had fallen back one grade, 39 per cent two grades and 24 per cent three or more grades. This poor progress at school cannot be explained by lower levers of intelligence since 68 per cent of the subjects had normal IQs, 24.5 per cent were dull, 6.2 per cent were on the borderline of mental deficiency and 2 per cent were morons. Among the young robbery offenders (and the young recidivists as well for that matter) there had been frequent cases of truancy (77 per cent) and this had begun at an early age since almost half had got into the habit before the fourth grade. Thefts had been committed by 61 per cent of the subjects below the age of 15. The majority (65 per cent) had no vocational qualifications. Altogether among all the young adult robbery offenders with previous convictions, 16 per, cent had never been gainfully employed, and 49 per cent had jobs for less than half the period they were at liberty after completing their sixteenth year. At the time the robbery was committed, the percentage in employment did not exceed 17 per cent. The subjects spent their time among demoralized peers with whom they drank. The nature of the environment in which they mixed can best be seen from the fact that among the persons who were accomplices to their robberies (almost always young adults or juveniles), as many as 75 per cent had been previously convicted and 60 per cent frequently drank to excess. It should be noted that the young recidivists in the control group convicted of other offences and drawn from persons with a record of theft as juveniles, had made even poorer progress at school than the robbery offenders, had in fewer cases completed elementary school, had more frequently run away from home, had started to steal regularly at an earlier age and had committed many more thefts as juveniles and children. The inquiry found, however, that the robbery offenders had displayed personality disorders at an earlier age and had started to drink younger and done much more drinking at 16 – 17 years of age. The data on the drinking habits of the robbery offenders merit special attention. It was found that only 23 per cent of these young adults drank less frequently than once a week, 55 per cent drank 2-3 times a week, and 22 per cent drank at least four times a week (these figures are certainly not an accurate reflection of the degree of drinking which was undoubtedly even higher). It should be emphasized that 43 per cent of the subjects began to drink wine or spirits at least once a week below the age of 16, and 75 per cent were drinking with the same regularity before their 17th birthday. In the period preceding the robbery a large percentage of the young adults (52 per cent) were drinking large quantities of alcohol at each session (at least 1/4 litre in terms of spirits) 2 - 3 times a week or more. They drank wine or vodka, or both. It should not be forgotten in considering these figures that some 60 per cent of the robbery offenders were only 17-18 years of age. Furthermore 42 per cent of the 17-18 age group had been drinking 2-3 times a week or more for at least two years, and 50 per cent of the 19 -20 age bracket had been doing so for at least three years. A third of the subjects admitted to intoxication at least once or twice a month, and a half recorded that they were inebriated several times a month. A very large majority (c. 80 per cent) were under the influence of alcohol when they committed their robbery. In the psychological inquiries detailed attention was given to the problems of aggression in the case of the young robbery offenders, their level of aggressiveness being determined from the evidence of aggressive behaviour in childhood and later yielded by interviews with both the subjects themselves and their mothers. Ratings of “very aggressive” were scored by 62 per cent of the young robbery offenders. In comparison with the findings of the Department of Criminology study of other samples of juvenile and adult recidivists (not convicted of robbery), it has been found that the robbery offenders do indeed display a greater incidence of aggressive behaviour and score higher in the Buss-Durkee aggression questionnaire. The robbery offenders not qualified as “very aggressive”, (38 per cent) also had occasional acts of aggression in their past career, and 25 per cent of them had even been previously prosecuted for offences containing an element of violence. However, they differed in certain respects from the robbery offenders qualified as “very aggressive”. Among the latter regular drinking was more frequent (p < 0.001) and had begun at an earlier age (p < 0.01), thefts had been more common and the rate of recidivism was greater. Evidence of the presence of such characteristics as overactivity, impulsiveness, etc., in childhood was also more frequent (p < 0.05). In addition they possessed a higher rate of brain damage. Very aggressive robbery offenders more frequently displayed overactivity whereas the non-aggressive offenders tended to have clearly passive personalities (p < 0.02) inclined to let others take the lead. Attention should finally be drawn to the more frequent occurence among the “very aggressive” offenders (in comparison with the remaining young adults convicted of robbery) of certain adverse conditions in their home background. There were many more cases of among these subjects of defective emotional relationships between parents and son (p < 0.01) and more frequent employment of brutal corporal punishment (p < 0.02). These are factors found by various inquiries to be conducive to the development of aggressive attitudes. However, as regards such environmental factors as alcoholic or criminal parents and siblings, no significant differences were found between the backgrounds of the aggressive and non-aggressive robbery offenders. In analysing the problem of aggressiveness the question of brain damage should not be overlooked. In the case of as many as 29 of the sample (49 per cent) there was evidence pointing to such a condition with a high degree of probability. These subjects displayed, it was found, more frequent symptoms of behaviour disorders and social maladjustment such as frequent stealing (p < 0.001), early excessive drinking (p < 0.02), considerable violence (p < 0.001) and more frequent self-aggression (p < 0.02). This multiplication of behaviour disorders among offenders suffering from brain damage points to greater adaptation difficulties further compounded by their home circumstances. Among the whole sample of young robbery offenders there were only 16 per cent who were not found to be subject either to brain damage or decidedly adverse influences at home. The homes of the young robbery offenders present as negative a picture as those of the previously studied recidivists convicted of other offences. Only 57 per cent of the former spent their childhood in unbroken homes. As many as 65 per cent of their fathers regularly drank to excess, and at least 27 per cent of them can be qualified as alcoholics. The percentage of fathers with a criminal record was less than 23 per cent and the majority of these were not persistent offenders. Most of their offences were of a drunk-and-disorderly nature. The subjects’ fathers were by and large persons with a low standard of education and vocational qualifications: only 28 per cent had advanced beyond elementary school, usually to vocational school. Almost all the subjects came from the homes of unskilled or low-skilled labourers. Only a third of their homes were relatively well off. Among a large majority of the fathers (71 per cent) and as much as 45 per cent of the mothers there was evidence of their emotional relationship with their children being inadequate. In the case of 61 per cent of the fathers there was very frequent employment of excessively severe corporal punishment of the subjects. The inquiry also revealed the typical fact that 51 per cent of the brothers of the young adults serving sentences for robbery had (by the time they had completed their tenth birthday) been before the courts and that the same percentage were heavy drinkers. Only in 28 per cent of the homes was there no evidence of frequent excessive drinking and criminal offences by brothers. A comparison of the home environments of the young recidivists convicted of robbery and those convicted of other offences revealed no differences as regards such factors as family structure or alcoholic and criminal parents and siblings (except that the brothers of the robbery offenders had committed more offences of an aggressive nature than the brothers of the persons in the control group). However, marked differences were found in the emotional relationship of parents to children and the practice of severe corporal punishment which was much more frequent in the case of the fathers of the robbery offenders. These are factors which various inquiries have found to be conducive to the formation of aggressive attitudes.

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Dyferencjacja odpowiedzialności karnej za przestępstwo przeciwko mieniu: kradzieży i rozboju (art.art. 185, 186 KK Ukrainy)

72%

Antoniuk N.

Wrocławsko-Lwowskie Zeszyty Prawnicze

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2017

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vol. 8

165-176

PL

W artykule zbadane zostały cechy charakterystyczne dwóch najbardziej powszechnych przestępstw przeciwko mieniu: kradzieży i rozboju. Ukazano, że w KK Ukrainy odpowiedzialność jest zróżnicowana. Przestępstwo kradzieży cudzego mienia przybiera postać zuchwałą (jawną) i zwykłą (niejawną). Zwykła kradzież ma charakter przestępczy (art. 185 KK Ukrainy). Kradzież jawne bez użycia przemocy jest kradzieżą zuchwałą bez przemocy (ust. 1 art. 186 KK Ukrainy). Akcent został położony na osobliwości ukraińskiego prawa karnego, a zwłaszcza na to, że odpowiedzialność za zawładnięcie cudzym majątkiem z użyciem przemocy jest zróżnicowana w zależności od zakresu przemocy użytej przez przestępcę. Jeżeli przestępca, chcąc zawładnięć cudzym mieniem, używa przemocy, która nie jest niebezpieczna dla życia bądź zdrowia pokrzywdzonego, wtedy jego działania kwalifikowane są jako kradzież zwykła (ust. 2 art. 186 KK Ukrainy). Jednak jeżeli intensywność przemocy używanej przez przestępcę jest o wiele większa, a także jeżeli przestępca, w celu zawładnięcia cudzym mieniem, używa przemocy, która jest niebezpieczna dla życia bądź zdrowia pokrzywdzonego, to w tym wypadku jego działania są kwalifikowane jako rozbój (ust. 1 art. 187 KK Ukrainy). W kodeksach karnych obowiązujących w państwach europejskich nie znajdujemy dyferencjacji odpowiedzialności karnej ze względu na intensywność i zakres użytej przez przestępcę przemocy. Takie podejście jest charakterystyczne dla kodeksów karnych obowiązujących w państwach postradzieckich. W artykule dokładnie objaśnione zostało, jakie przestępstwa mogą zostać uznane za niejawne, a jakie za jawne. Podana została lista kryteriów i cech niejawności, które są wyodrębnione w doktrynie ukraińskiego prawa karnego. Istnieją obiektywne i subiektywne kryteria niejawności kradzieży. Pod obiektywnym kryterium należy rozumieć fakt dokonywania przestępstwa pod nieobecność osób, które były świadome faktu kradzieży. Kryterium subiektywne stanowi fakt, że przestępca ma świadomość tajności działania. Kradzież jest tajna, gdy: przestępstwo przeciwko mieniu dokonywane jest pod nieobecność innych osób; kradzież dokonywana jest w obecności innych osób, ale w sposób dla nich niewidoczny; kradzież dokonywana jest w obecności innych osób i te osoby, według przestępcy, są tego nieświadome; kradzież dokonywana jest w obecności osób, które ze względu na swój stan fizyczny albo psychiczny nie są świadome faktu kradzieży mienia (osoby małoletnie, psychicznie chore, przebywające w stanie upojenia, osoby, które śpią itp.) i przestępca ma tego świadomość; kradzież dzieje się w obecności osób, które uważają, że przestępca działa zgodnie z prawem, co przewiduje przestępca; przestępca uważa, że jego działania są niewidoczne dla innych, jednak pokrzywdzony albo osoby trzecie są świadkami kradzieży, ale przestępca nie jest tego świadomy (kradzież jest obserwowana na odległości, np. za pomocą kamery). Autor publikacji zaprezentował znamiona przestępstwa oznaki grabieży połączonej z przemocą, tzn. rozboju. Za przemoc w grabieży należy uznać takie działania, które nie są niebezpieczne dla życia bądź zdrowia pokrzywdzonego (uderzenie, cięgi, lekkie urazy), które nie powodują krótkotrwałego zaburzenia zdrowia albo znikomej straty zdolności dopracy; Należy także uznać takie działania, jak pozbawienie wolności; stosowanie wobec pokrzywdzonego – bez jego zgody – środków odurzających, trujących lub substancji silnie działających (gazów) oraz inne rodzaje przemocy, pod warunkiem, że nie miały one skutków niebezpieczna dla życia bądź zdrowia pokrzywdzonego. Autor wyodrębnił także znamiona przemocy psychicznej w przestępstwie kradzieży. W tym kontekście przemoc psychiczną należy rozumieć jako groźbę użycia przemocy, która est niebezpieczna dla życia bądź zdrowia pokrzywdzonego.

UK

У статті досліджено ознаки двох найпоширеніших злочинів проти власності: крадіжки та грабежу. Показано, що у КК України диференційовано відповідальність за таємне та відкрите викрадення чужого майна. Таємним викраденням є крадіжка (ст. 185 КК України). Відкрите викрадення без застосування насильства – це ненасильницький грабіж (ч. 1 ст. 186 КК України). Наголошено на особливостях вітчизняного кримінального права і звернуто увагу на те, що відповідальність за насильницьке заволодіння чужою річчю диферен- ційована, залежно від об’єму застосованого винним насильства. Якщо злочинець застосовує для заволодіння майном насильство, яке не є небезпечним для життя або здоров’я потерпілого, його дії кваліфікуються як насильницький грабіж (ч. 2 ст. 186 КК України). Однак якщо інтенсивність насильства більша і злочинець у ході заволо- діння майном застосовує насильство, яке є небезпечним для життя чи здоров’я поте- рпілого, – дії кваліфікуються як розбій (ч. 1 ст. 187 КК України). Така диференціація кримінальної відповідальності залежно від інтенсивності, об’єму застосовуваного винним насильства не властива кримінальним кодексам єв- ропейських держав. Вона є традиційною характеристикою кримінальних кодексів так званих «пострадянських держав». У статті детально роз’яснено, які посягання варто вважати таємними, а які – відкритими. Наведено перелік критеріїв і ознак таємності, які виділені у доктрині кримінального права України. Критеріями таємності викрадення є об’єктивний і суб’єктивний критерії. Під об’єктивним критерієм потрібно розуміти факт вчинення злочинного посягання за відсутності осіб, які усвідомлюють факт викрадення. Суб’єктивний критерій полягає в тому, що винний усвідомлює, що за його діями ні- хто не спостерігає, або вважає, що вчинює посягання непомітно для тих осіб, які мо- жуть усвідомлювати факт викрадення. Викрадення є таємним, якщо: викрадення майна відбувається за відсутності сторонніх осіб; викрадення відбувається в присутності сторонніх осіб, але непомітно для них; викрадення відбувається в присутності сторонніх осіб і ці особи, на думку винного, не видадуть його; викрадення відбувається в присутності осіб, які через свої фізичні або психічні особливості не усвідомлюють факту викрадення майна (малолі- тні, психічнохворі, особи, які перебувають у стані сп’яніння, сплять тощо), і винний про це знає; викрадення відбувається в присутності осіб, які вважають, що винний діє законно, і винний на це розраховує; винний вважає свої дії непомітними для оточую- чих, хоча потерпілий або треті особи спостерігають за викраденням майна, однак винний цього не усвідомлює (за викраденням спостерігають на відстані, за допомо- гою камер стеження тощо). Детально досліджено ознаки насильницького грабежу. Під насильством у гра-бежі потрібно розуміти насильство, яке не є небезпечним для життя чи здоров’я по-терпілого (удар, побої, легкі тілесні ушкодження, які не спричинили короткочасного розладу здоров’я або незначної втрати працездатності; позбавлення волі, застосуван- ня до потерпілого без його згоди наркотичних засобів, психотропних, отруйних чи сильнодіючих речовин (газів), інші насильницькі дії, за умови, що вони не були не- безпечними для життя чи здоров’я потерпілого). Названо ознаки психічного насильства у грабежі. За змістом під психічним на- сильством розуміють погрозу застосування насильства, що не є небезпечним для життя чи здоров’я. Pobierz artykuł

6

Przestępstwa konwencjonalne. Wyniki Ogólnopolskiej diagnozy problemu przemocy wobec dzieci

72%

Makaruk K.

Dziecko krzywdzone. Teoria, badania, praktyka

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2013

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vol. 12

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issue 3: Ogólnopolska diagnoza problemu przemocy wobec dzieci

30-39

PL

Artykuł poświęcony jest zjawisku przestępstw konwencjonalnych dotykających dzieci i młodzież w Polsce. 27% dzieci w swoim życiu doświadczyło przynajmniej jednej z trzech badanych form przestępstw konwencjonalnych — rozboju, napaści przy użyciu niebezpiecznego przedmiotu oraz wandalizmu. Chłopcy padają ofiarami przestępstw konwencjonalnych istotnie częściej niż dziewczyny (p<0,05). Analiza logistyczna pokazała, że ryzyko doświadczenia takiej przemocy jest o 51% wyższe dla chłopców niż dla dziewczyn. Najczęściej występująca forma przemocy konwencjonalnej to wandalizm (21%). Co dwunasty nastolatek (8%) deklaruje, że ktoś użył siły, żeby zabrać mu jego własność, a 5%, respondentów padło w swoim życiu ofiarą napaści. Ofiarami wandalizmu są nieco częściej młodsze nastolatki (11–14 lat), natomiast napaści i rozboju nieco częściej doświadczają starsze nastolatki (15–17 lat).

EN

Article focuses on the phenomenon of conventional crimes affecting children and youth in Poland. 27% of children in their lives experienced at least one of the three investigated forms of conventional crime - robbery, assault with a weapon and vandalism. Boys are victims of conventional crime signifi cantly more often than girls (p <0,05). Logistic regression analysis showed that the risk of such experience for boys is 51% higher than for girls. The most common form of conventional crime is vandalism (21%). One in twelve teenager (8%) says that someone used force to take his property from him/her, and 5% of the respondents were in their life attacked with weapon. The victims of vandalism are slightly more likely to be younger (11–14 years old), and assault and robbery are more frequently experienced by older teenagers (15–17 years old).

7

Przestępstwa konwencjonalne wśród polskich nastolatków. Wyniki Ogólnopolskiej diagnozy skali i uwarunkowań krzywdzenia dzieci

72%

Dankiewicz A.

Dziecko krzywdzone. Teoria, badania, praktyka

|

2019

|

vol. 18

|

issue 3

99-116

PL

W artykule przedstawiono wyniki Ogólnopolskiej diagnozy skali i uwarunkowań krzywdzenia dzieci dotyczącej skali przestępstw konwencjonalnych i zrealizowanej na ogólnopolskiej, reprezentatywnej próbie 1155 nastolatków w wieku 11–17 lat. Okazało się, że 32% polskich nastolatków doświadczyło kiedykolwiek co najmniej jednej z badanych form przestępstw konwencjonalnych – wandalizmu, rozboju lub napaści przy użyciu niebezpiecznego narzędzia. Co siódmy badany (15%) zadeklarował, że tego typu wydarzenie miało miejsce w ciągu roku poprzedzającego badanie. W analizach regresji logistycznych predyktorami zwiększającymi szansę na doświadczenie przestępstw konwencjonalnych były lokalizacja szkoły oraz nadużywanie alkoholu lub używanie narkotyków przez członka rodziny. Najczęściej doświadczaną z analizowanych form przestępstw konwencjonalnych był wandalizm (24%), a następnie rozbój (11%) i napaść przy użyciu niebezpiecznego przedmiotu (6%). W Ogólnopolskiej diagnozie skali i uwarunkowań krzywdzenia dzieci oprócz siedmiu kategorii krzywdzenia i dysfunkcji w rodzinie badano również zachowania autodestrukcyjne, takie jak samookaleczenia i próby samobójcze. W analizach regresji wykazano istotne zależności między zachowaniami autodestrukcyjnymi a wandalizmem, rozbojem i napaścią.

EN

The article presents the results of the National Survey of Child Victimization in Poland regarding the scale of conventional crimes. The study was carried out on a nationwide, representative sample of 1155 teenagers aged 11–17. According to the results of the study, 32% of Polish teenagers experienced at least one of the examined forms of conventional crime - vandalism, robbery, assault with a weapon. Every seventh respondent (15%) declared that this type of event took place in 12 months preceding the study. According to the analysis of logistic regression, the predictors that increase the chance of experiencing conventional crimes are as follows: school location, alcohol or drug abuse performed by a family member. Vandalism was the most frequently experienced form of conventional crime studied (24%), then subsequently robbery (11%) and assault using a dangerous item (6%). In the National Survey of Child Victimization in Poland, in addition to seven categories of abuse and dysfunction in the family, self-destructive behaviours such as mutilation and attempting suicide were also examined. The conducted regression analyzes significant relationships between self-destructive behavior, vandalism, robbery and assault.

8

Z problematyki rozboju. „Przemoc wobec osoby” (art. 280 § 1 k.k.) a „gwałt na osobie” (art. 130 § 3 k.w.)

72%

Tyburcy T.

Studia Prawnicze: rozprawy i materiały

|

2018

|

issue 1(22)

81-96

EN

According to Art. 119 § 1 of the Violations Code, an offender who steals a movable property which value does not exceed a quarter of the minimum wage is liable for a misdemeanor and not for a crime or an offence. Art. 130 § 3 of the Violations Code specifies the term “personal violation”, however “violence against a person” is a constituent element of a crime of robbery. The issue of the potential correlation between those two terms has been broadly discussed both in legal literature and jurisprudence. The wording of the Art. 130 § 3 of the Violation Code is correlated with the terminology used in the 1969 version of the Penal Code, in which “personal violation” was a constituent element of the crime of robbery.

PL

Zgodnie z art. 119 § 1 k.w. sprawca, który kradnie rzecz ruchomą o wartości nieprzekraczającej jednej czwartej minimalnego wynagrodzenia, podlega odpowiedzialności za wykroczenie, a nie za przestępstwo. Natomiast zgodnie z art. 130 § 3 k.w., przepisu art. 119 k.w. (wykroczenie kradzieży) nie stosuje się, jeżeli sprawca używa gwałtu na osobie albo grozi jego natychmiastowym użyciem, aby utrzymać się w posiadaniu zabranego mienia, a gdy chodzi o zabranie innej osobie mienia w celu przywłaszczenia, także wtedy, gdy sprawca doprowadza człowieka do stanu nieprzytomności lub bezbronności. Kluczową kwestią jest rozstrzygnięcie, czy osoba, która kradnie rzecz o wartości nieprzekraczającej jednej czwartej minimalnego wynagrodzenia, używając wobec osoby przemocy niestanowiącej ze względu na swą intensywność gwałtu, podlega odpowiedzialności za rozbój czy za wykroczenie kradzieży.

9

Przestępczość nieujawniona. Porównanie polskich rezultatów ICVS '86 i '92

71%

Siemaszko A.

Archiwum Kryminologii

|

1998

|

issue XXIII-XXIV

45-74

EN

Poland participated in all the three ICVS series conducted so far, and research was each time carried out by the Law Enforcement Institute. However, due to Poland’s underdeveloped telephone network, only the 1989 (Warsaw) survey used the method of telephone interview. The next two series, of l992 and 1996, examined relative big and carefully selected national samples of households (of assumed over 2 thousand respondents in 1992 and over 4 thousand in 1996), but the traditional face-to-face method was used. The field survey was carried out by renowned opinion survey centers supervised by the Institute. Particularly worth stressing is the fact that Poland was probably the only country involved in ICVS where surveys started exactly on time. It should also be added that we achieved more than satisfactory completion rates: the proportion of refusals was about 5% in 1992 and 14% in 1996, and thus much smaller compared to survey using the CATI (Computer Assisted Telephone Interview) method. This of course influenced the quality of our findings. In 1995, Polish people most often fell victim to consumer offenses (14.2%) and carbreaking (10.1%). Rather high were also the proportions of interntional car damage (9.6%) and theft of personal property (5.6%). In the remaining cases, victimization coefficients never went beyond 5%. Compared to 1991, victimization structure underwent no greater changes. Of the 13 types of offenses examined, only 5 showed increases or decreases by more than 1% in the proportion of victims; the biggest change was 2.6% which was in practice still within the bounds of measurement error. Generally it seems, therefore, that in l991 and l995 unreported crime became stabilized in Poland as opposed to reported crime which in most cases still shows rather a strong upwards trend. Thus while robbery rate was 1.7 in 1991, the 1995 rate was higher by a mere 0.1% and amounted to 1.8. It should be added, though, that also our findings confirm the thesis as to a growing brutality of robbery and a change in the perpetrators’ modus operandi. For example, the proportion of robberies committed by one person went down from 25.2 to 18.8%. Besides, a larger proportion of respondents said to robbers had been armed. Also the „effectiveness” of robbery went up: a greater proportion (43.6 compared to 37.7%) stated that the robbers had actually managed to steal something. On the other hand, though, which is against expectations, also the proportion of statements as to robbers being armed went down. To our great surprise it appeared, too, that among the 13 countries participating in the survey (where ICVS '96 was carried out on the national sample) Poland had the highest robbery rate. The rate of batterics (attempts) went down from 4.2 in 1991 to 3.7 in 1995, that is by 0.5%. Yet characterization of those acts would be incomplete if we failed to mention that, in that same period, the proportion of batteries by assailants armed with dangerous weapons or firearms went up from 6 to 20.6%, and the weapons or firearms were actually used in 35.2% of cases. The more serious nature of batteries is also manifested by a considerable growth in the number of cases in which the victims needed a doctor: 32.8% in 1995 compared to 22.4% in 1991. As opposed to robbery, though, the battery rate in Poland is among the relatively low. Reduced most among acts with the element of aggression in years under comparison was the number of sex ofenses: from 3.6% in 1991 to 1.5% in 1995, that is by 2,1% (the difference being significant). It should be mentioned, though, that while none of the victims of this kind of act actually called it rape in 1992, the proportion of such persons was as much as 7% in the most recent survey. There was at the same time a rather considerable drop (by over 7%) in the number of victims who called the act ,,indecent assault”. Thus also the structure of this kind of acts underwent a specific change. What can be treated as indirect indication of seriousness of sex offenses are also statements as to criminal nature of the act (,,Do you consider the act an offense?”). Also those statements („Yes” answers) confirm the drop in the number of more serious acts of this kind (from 6.1% in 1992 to 53.5% four years later). Also reduced (by over 10%) was the proportion of statements as to serious or very serious nature of the incident. The relatively small danger of sex offenses in Poland is confirmed by confrontation with international data: in three countries only, the proportion of victims of such acts is smaller than in Poland. The growth of car sales situates Poland among European leaders. It was therefore interesting to find out about the impact of the growing number of cars on offenses ,,against cars”. According to the criminal opportunity theory, a considerable growth in the numer of such offenses could be expected, caused by increased ,,supply”. It appeared, however, that the growing number of cars failed to bring about any significant growth in the number of offenses against cars. Proportions of victims of car theft and intentional car damage (among car owners) went up in the period under analysis by a mere 0.1% (from 1.4% to 1.5% and from 9.5% to 9.6% respectively); in the case of victims of carbreaking, the proportion went down by 0.4% (from 10.5% to 10.1%). From comparison with international data on offenses ,,against cars'' it follows that Poland is among countries with medium-level threat of car theft; instead, the threat of car-breaking and international damage to cars is above the average, Poland ranking second and fourth respectively. Greater changes were found in the cases of one-track vehicles: motor-cycles and bicycles. In both cases, the numer of victims went down: by 1.8% in the case of motorcycle thefts, and by 1.1% in the case of bicycle thefts; it is worth stressing that the drop was significant. In most countries under research, thefts of one-track vehicles, bicycles in particilar, are a much greater problem than in Poland. Among the analyzed acts against property, the greatest drop (by 2.5% which makes the difference significant) was found in the case of the number of victims of theft of personal property. A sub-category of this group was pocket-picking inquired about by a filtering question. Worth stressing here is a drop in proportion of pocket-picking among thefts of personal property: from 83.2% in 1991 to 71.3% four years later, that is by over 10%. However, Poland is stil among countries with the greatest threat of thefts of personal property, pocket-picking included (which is rather understandable the fact considered that most Polish people still carry cash instead of a credit card). There was also a slight downward trend in the proportion of victims of housebreaking, both attempted (by 0.5%) and committed (by 0.1%). The proportions of victims of housebreaking (attempted and committed) situate Poland among countries with a medium-level threat of that type of offense. Compared to the previous survey. There was a considerable growth (by 2.6% which makes the difference significant) in the number of victims of consumer frauds. Instead, the number of victims of corruption of State officials went down by 0.7%. As follows from comparisons with international data, Poland is among the countries with the highest threat of such acts. Particularly alarming is the fact of as high a level of corruption in both post-communist countries included in the sample: in Poland and Czech Republic alike, that level is several times higher compared to the remaining countries. Similar trends can generally be found in a comparison of numbers of offenses per l00 respondents; here, however, differences in dynamics of individual offenses can be noticed with greater clarity. Striking is also a growth in the rate of batteries (attempts): from 6.7 in 1991 to 7.4 in 1995. The general victimization risk index is now 23 in Poland; it was 27 in the previous survey which means a drop by 4 points. From a comparison of that index with its foreign counterparts it follows clearly that the general extent of crime is not too big in Poland. At any rate, Poland is below the average of 11 Western countries of which 3 only (Finland, Austria and North Ireland) have indices lower than the Polish one. Yet underlying this apparent stabilization of unreported crime in the discussed period is a rather considerable growth or drop in the numer of repeated victims. Thus the proportion of repeated victims (respondents who fell victim to a given type of offense on at least two occasions during the last 12 months) went up in the case of car thefts by 9.1; in the case of car-breaking – by as much as 15.1; in the case of international damage to car – by 4.7; in the case of theft of personal property – by 8.2; in the case of burglary - by 4.9; in the case of robbery - by 9.7; and in the case of battery (attempt) – by 8.1. The only proportions that showed a downward trend were those of victims of motorcycle theft (by l0.2); bicycle theft (by 1.1); and sex offences (by 13.2). This is therefore a significant growth in concentration of crime (a greater numbers of acts against those same persons). Interestingly, the direction of the trend is not always the same in the case of one-time and repeated victims. For example, the proportion of victims of car-breaking went down by 0.4 in the period analysis while that of repeated victims went up by over 15. Differences in the dark number between individual offenses are very big. As follows from the findings of the Polish part of ICVS ’96, they range from nearly 100% (in the case of consumer frauds),to under 10% (in the case of car thefts). Besides, against expectations, the dark number was by no means the highest in the case of sex offences (it was very high, though: 88%). Generally it can be stated that the lowest dark number is found in the case of willful taking of property of considerable value, that is car and motor-cycle thefts, burglaries and bicycle thefts (7.2%, 21%, 45.7% and, 55.2% respectively). Seldom reported, instead, are thefts of personal property: the dark number is here nearly 80%. Also robbery and battery have a high dark number of 62.5% and 68.8% respectively. The dark number is definitely the highest (nearly 100%) in the case of the above-mentioned consumer frauds and corruption. As regards the inclination to report an offense, differences between the findings of the 1992 and 1996 survevs were greater but by no means explicit. Generally, there was an increase in the numer of reported aggressive offenses: batteries (by 6.4%); robberies (by 6.1%); and sex offenses (3.6%). The opposite trend was found in the case of reported thefts. The greatest was the drop in reported motor-cycle thefts (by 10.1%) and carbreaking (by 8.6%; here, the difference was significant). The proportion of reported bicycle thefts went down by 2.2%; that of cars – by 0.2%; and that of thefts of personal property remained unchanged. There was, instead, a rather considerable growth in the proportion of reported damages to car (by 3.2%) and burglaries (by 6.1%). The dark number of offenses is still very high in Poland, much higher than in the West. There, the average proportion of reported offences in the groups of six acts under analysis amounts to 50; in Poland, it is merely 34. This means that police data on crime in Poland are not too reliable as they say very little about its actual extent. Compared to the previous survey, the people's feeting of safety increased rather considerably which may also indirectly confirm the thesis that generally, there is no actual growth in crime in Poland. There was a growth by 11 points in the proportion of respondents who said they felt safe strolling in their neighborhood after dark; the proportion of those who said they avoided specific streets for reasons of safety dropped by one-third; and the proportion of persons who considered it highly probable that they would fall victim to burglary during the next 12 months was reduced by half. Despite the rather explicit growth in the Poles' feeling of safety, there was also a most considerable growth in their critical opinions on police work. Thus the proportion of respondents who consider police actions to control crime ineffective went up by a half. Respondents also spoke of fewer policemen patrolling the streets: the proportion of those who said that a police patrol turned up in their neighborhood at least once a day went down from 27.5 top 23.3. Mentioned more often among reasons for not reporting an offense was idleness of the police. Persons dissatisfied with the treatment they received from the police prevailed among those of the victims who had reported the last offense against them. The proportion of the satisfied was the highest among victims of reported battery: 40%. Among victims of reported robbery, instead, the proportion of those satisfied with the treatment they received from the police was somewhat under 30%. Worth mentioning in this context is also a considerable drop in effectiveness of police work as regards regaining of stolen cars. While the 1992 findings indicated a satisfactory effectiveness in this respect (in 77.4% of cases, the owners got their stolen car back) there were a mere 45.l% of such cases in the 1996 survey. Crowning this definitely unfavorable appraisal of police work is the nearly three times' growth in the number of persons who mentioned police officers among officials demanding a bribe (31.9% compared to previous 11.4%). It appears, therefore, that stable crime and growing feeling of safety is not accompanied - as one might expect – by more favorable appraisals of police work. This results probably from the fact that the people's expectations in this respect went even higher up since 1992.

10

Pospolita przestępczość kryminalna w powiatach województwa dolnośląskiego w latach 2000–2012

58%

adamczyk m.

Rocznik Bezpieczeństwa Międzynarodowego

|

2015

|

vol. 9

|

issue 2

167-186

EN

The aim of the article is to show what the crime threat to property, life and health looked like in the Lower Silesian province during years 2000–2012. The basic categories of common crime based on the widely used statistical categories of evaluating these phenomena with reference to all districts were discussed. It is necessary to remember that not only the police is responsible for recognising and fighting all the forms of crime. Taking into consideration the data which were made available to the writer by the Police Headquarters and the Provincial Police Headquarters in Wrocław the writer analysed the dynamics of crimes together with initiated proceedings and their detectability.

PL

Celem artykułu jest ukazanie, jak kształtowało się w województwie dolnośląskim w latach 2000–2012 zagrożenie przestępczością przeciwko mieniu oraz życiu i zdrowiu. Omówione zostały podstawowe kategorie przestępczości pospolitej w oparciu o powszechnie stosowane statystycznie kategorie oceny tych zjawisk w odniesieniu do wszystkich powiatów. Należy pamiętać, że nie tylko Policja jest odpowiedzialna za rozpoznawanie i zwalczanie wszelkich form przestępczości. Z uwagi na dane, jakie zostały udostępnione prze Komendę Główną Policji oraz Komendę Wojewódzką Policji we Wrocławiu, autorka zanalizowała dynamikę przestępstw stwierdzonych wraz z postępowaniami wszczętymi i ich wykrywalnością.

11

SKALA PRZESTĘPCZOŚCI W WOJEWÓDZTWIE MAŁOPOLSKIM W LATACH 2000-2012

58%

Adamczyk M.

Kultura Bezpieczeństwa. Nauka – Praktyka – Refleksje

|

2014

|

vol. 15(15)

5-19

PL

Celem artykułu jest omówienie zjawiska przestępczości oraz jak kształtowało się w województwie małopolskim w latach 2000-2012 zagrożenie przestępczością przeciwko mieniu wraz przestępczością przeciwko życiu i zdrowiu. Omówione zostały podstawowe kategorie przestępczości pospolitej w oparciu o powszechnie stosowane statystycznie kategorie oceny tych zjawisk w odniesieniu do wszystkich powiatów. Należy pamiętać, że nie tylko Policja jako jedyny filar jest odpowiedzialna za rozpoznawanie i zwalczanie wszelkich form przestępczości. Z uwagi na dane jakie zostały udostępnione przez Komendę Wojewódzką Policji w Krakowie, autorka zanalizowała dynamikę przestępstw stwierdzonych wraz z postępowaniami wszczętymi i ich wykrywalnością .

12

Cudzoziemcy jako sprawcy poważnych przestępstw w Polsce – raport z badań

58%

Woźniakowska-Fajst D.

Rozprawy Społeczne

|

2016

|

vol. 10

|

issue 1

44-56

PL

Artykuł przedstawia fragment raportu z najnowszej analizy statystyk przestępczości cudzoziemców (obejmującej lata 2000-2012). Podstawą raportu są statystyki Komendy Głównej Policji oraz Ministerstwa Sprawiedliwości. Przestępczość cudzoziemców w Polsce charakteryzuje duża dynamika. Po 1989 r. przestępczość cudzoziemców w Polsce rosła aż do roku 1997, a od 1998 następuje widoczny spadek. Do roku 2006 spadek ten jest dość gwałtowny, a później następuje stabilizacja. Analiza statystyk cudzoziemców podejrzanych o popełnienie przestępstwa i skazanych za te czyny pokazuje, że obecnie w Polsce zagrożenie przestępczością obcokrajowców jest znikome. W latach 2004-2012 udział cudzoziemców w ogóle przestępczości wynosi nieco ponad 1%. Odsetek skazań za najpoważniejsze przestępstwa pozostaje jeszcze niższy.

EN

The article presents the fragment of the report on the latest analysis of the statistics of foreigner crime (2000-2012). The basis of the report are the statistics of the Police Headquarters and the Ministry of Justice. Foreigner crime in Poland is characterized by high dynamics. After 1989 criminality of foreigners in Poland increases until 1997, and since 1998 seriously declines. By 2006 this decline is quite rapid but later one can observe a stabilization. Analysis of the statistics of suspects and sentenced foreigners show that currently in Poland a threat of foreigner crime is insignificant. In the years 2004-2012, percentage of foreigners in the general number of suspects is just over 1%. The proportion of convictions for the most serious crimes remains even lower.

13

Rozbój i sprawcy rozboju

51%

Łukaszewicz Z., Szymanowski T.

Archiwum Kryminologii

|

1960

|

issue I

215-239

EN

In the period immediately following the end robberies of the hostilities the number of recorded in polish police statistics was very high. In 1945 there were 26 471 robberies recorded, and 23 987 in 1946. As from 1947 onwards that number underwent a visible and considerable decrease, which found its expression in the figures of 10 231, 5224, 3018 and 2089 for the years 1947, 1948, 1949 and 1950 respectively. In later years, beginning with 1955, an increase in the number of robberies was once more recorded; that number reached the figure of 3185 in 1957. The coefficient of robberies (as per 100 000 of the inhabitants) amounted to 7.6 in 1954 and to 8.9 in 1958. The highest coefficients were recorded in the capital city of Warsaw, in Łódź, the second largest city in the country, in the voivodeship of Katowice and in the western voivodeships, consequently in industrial regions and areas with large numbers of inhabitants who had immigrated there from other parts of the country. While, in 1958, this coefficient for rural areas amounted to 4.6, in the cities and towns it was as high as 13.8, in cities of more than 200 000 inhabitants the same coefficient amounted to as much as 21.3. It ought to be noted that in the immediate post-war period, i.e. the years 1945 to 1946 the largest number of robberies were committed in rural areas, and a very big percentage of them consisted in armed robberies, committed by bands armed with firearms. By 1958 robberies committed arms in hand constituted a mere 10.4 per cent of the total number. The number of robberies involving manslaughter amounted to an average of 50 yearly in the years 1954 to 1958. Below we shall discuss the results of the examination of 302 judicial records concerning 474 perpetrators of robbery convicted in 1955; such examination has been undertaken in order to find out what robberies in recent period looked like and out of what kind of offenders their perpetrators were recruited. Investigation has comprised 63 per cent of all the persons convicted of robbery in 1955 by all the courts in the country; the rack of any selection in collecting such records allows us to treat the material collected as representative for robbery in Poland in this period. Our materials comprised 94.1 per cent of men and 5.9 per cent of women. 36.2 per cent of the perpetrators acted singly, 34.7 per cent of them - in twos, 17.3 per cent - in threes, and only 11.8 per cent in larger groups. 32,4 per cent of all the robberies were committed in the countryside, and 67.6 per cent of them - in the cities and towns, an overwhelming majority of them in cities of above 100 000 inhabitants. The perpetrators of robbery are, as a rule, young people: 69.5 per cent of those convicted of robbery were below 26 years of age. Only 13.2 per cent of the perpetrators were over 30. 78.3 per cent of the convicts lived in the cities and towns, 21.7 per cent of them - in the countryside; part of the offenders who now live in towns recruit from the rural population recently arrived in the towns. Part of the robberies in rural areas were perpetrated by persons recently living in towns, and who went to the country in order to perpetrate a robbery. Nearly all those convicted of robbery who lived in cities and towns figure in the records as workers (95.7 per cent of them), but 50 per cent of the perpetrators of robbery did not work in the period immediately preceding the commission of robbery. As far as the convicts who lived in the country are concerned, only 17.5 per cent of them have been recorded as farmers, while 77.7 per cent said they were workers. The percentage of non-working persons is high, as it amounts to 37.8 per cent. The perpetrators of robbery have had plenty of criminal experience behind them. In spite of the lack of complete data covering the period up to 17 years of age it appears that out of 474 perpetrators of robbery 320 had already committed at least one criminal offence in the past. The percentage of recidivism in this sense of the word consequently amounts to 67.5 per cent. The data concerning the criminal past of these 320 offenders present the following picture: 60.3 per cent of those convicted of robbery had committed one or two offences in the past, 20.6 per cent - three or four offences, 19.1 per cent - five or more offences. When we analyze the kinds of offences previously committed by the 320 recidivists, we are in a position to select the following groups among them: a) 22.3 per cent of the recidivists had already committed robberies in the past, along with other offences, which, as a rule, were thefts; b) 42 per cent of the recidivists had committed only thefts in the past; c) 10.6 per cent of them committed mostly thefts, but also offences against authorities and offices, as weII as injury to the body (acting from hooligan motives); d) 14.8 per cent committed almost exclusively offences of a hooligan character; e) 10.8 per cent of the recidivists committed various other offenses, not previously enumerated. As can be seen from the above, the criminal past of the perpetrators of robbery is far from uniform, while with the majority dominate of the recidivists there, offences against property, nearly all of them thefts (74 per cent). A very large majority of the recidivists were town-dwellers (84.5 per cent), 58.6 per cent of the recidivists were under 26 years of age, but the share of recidivists among the perpetrators of robbery increases in the older age groups. Among the convicts aged from 26 to 30 years there were 70.7 per cent of recidivists, among those aged 31 to 40 years – 75.5 per cent of recidivists. Thus the majority of the older perpetrators of robbery consists of recidivists. Very essential are the differences which occur between the robberies committed in the towns and those committed in rural areas. A typical town robbery is perpetrated with the use of violence (86 per cent), which, as a rule, boils down to the aggressor beating up his victim. The place where robberies take place are, in 56 per cent of the cases, streets, squares and parks, in 12.4 per cent of the cases - suburban groves, fields while it only in exceptional cases that we have to do with assaults with the purpose of robbery at home (6.6 per cent), just like robberies of shops (7.1 per cent). On the other hand, robbery in the countryside is done with using violence (beating up) only in 46 per cent of the cases, and in 54 per cent of the cases with the use of threats, frequently supported with a show of weapons or mock-revolvers. The place where robberies are committed are roads, fields and forests in 52 per cent of the cases, and the dwelling or croft of the victim in 33 per cent. The value of the loss sustained by the victim did not exceed 500 zlotys in 37 per cent of the cases in towns and 30 per cent of the cases in the countryside. Robberies in which the victims sustained big losses exceeding 5000 zlotys amounted to only 7.1 per cent in the towns and to 22.6 per cent in the countryside. It should be added that in the robberies involving the use of violence (73 per cent of the total number of robberies) it was only in 22 per cent of the cases, both in town and country, that the victims sustained more serious bodily harm, which caused serious injury of the body. In the remaining cases we have to do with beating up, causing only sight injury of the body, or even merely an infringement of bodily inviolability. As for the towns, special attention is deserved by the numerous category of robberies on passers-by (55.4 per cent of the total) perpetrated, without any previous planning, in the streets, in the evening or at night, as a rule, by young men in a state of ebriety, 61 per cent of whom had already been punished by the law-courts previously. An interesting fact is that, in the towns, really only one-third of the robberies comprised by the material under investigation can be described as having previously planned and prepared. For, indeed, with, part of the robberies classified as the planned ones we have to do with offenders with whom the intention of committing offence has arisen in special circumstances, after having met a drunken individual in a restaurant. After thus striking acquaintance and, usually, a common consumption of alcohol such offenders entice their victim to some out-of-the-way place (frequently with the participation of women), where, after severely beating up their victim, they rob him of money, watch, etc. Among such offenders there is also a very large percentage of recidivists, as well as of young individuals who systematically abuse alcohol. Research on robbery brings to light the importance of the problem of young adult delinquents. 69.5 per cent of the perpetrators of robbery are below 25 years of age. The majority of them are recidivists who, in spite of their youth, mix with a criminal environment and refuse to do any work. The remaining ones, who constitute about 40 per cent of the total number, are to be sure, individuals not previously punished by the law-courts and seemingly leading a normal life, but highly demoralized, with a clearly hooligan attitude; all of them systematically abuse alcohol. With regard to such juvenile offenders it is indispensable to apply a special penitentiary policy, based on Borstal principles.

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