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1
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Sociální postavení příslušníků československého četnictva 1918–1939

100%
Kolářová I., Kolář O.
Český časopis historický (The Czech Historical Review)
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2015
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vol. 113
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issue 1
76-96
EN
The introductory part of this study gives an insight into the pay rates and accommodation available for Czechoslovak Gendarmerie. Attention is also devoted to the attitudes of the main political parties to the issues of the gendarmerie and to the question of a proposed reform and the “democratisation” of the force. This is followed by an outline of attitudes held by the public and the media towards the gendarmerie and an attempt to answer the question of how the members of the force viewed their own role in society.
2
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Financial Crime in the Operational Work of the State Security Service Until 1956 – Lower Silesian Perspective

100%
Klementowski R.
Studia Historiae Oeconomicae
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2016
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vol. 34
129-148
EN
Nationalization and the introduction of state-controlled economy led to the emergence of abnormal social phenomena, including system-specific crimes. Economic transformations were the foundation of the systemic revolution carried out in the first decade after the Second World War, therefore they were the subject of interest for the Ministry of Public Security. That is why financial crimes were treated just like political crimes, which was also justified by legal provisions, as no specific definition of this type of crime existed. This allowed the authorities (secret police, prosecutor’s office, courts, media) to interpret the events according to their will and current political needs, and, as a result, to administer various overt or covert repressions (death penalty, imprisonment, forced cooperation with the secret police).
3
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Inwigilacja Środowiska „Spotkań” przez służby specjalne PRL

75%
Czech M.
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
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2004
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issue 1(5)
275-297
4
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Opricznina jako pierwsza rosyjska służba specjalna i jej znaczenie w systemie politycznym

75%
Doroszczyk J.
Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski
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2018
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vol. 2
11-24
EN
Oprichina is the first security service in Russia. The main aim of oprichnina was to protect the stability of the political system and the reign of tsars. The main thesis is based on the conviction that secret services since Ivan the Terrible are one of the most important factors in the Russian political system. The purpose of the article is to analyze the functioning and the role of oprichnina, its organization, its structure and its main tasks in the context of the tendency of centralization of the state. The aim is to demonstrate that the establishment of the oprichnina initiated the process of forming state security organs as the foundation of maintaining power and implementing the priorities of internal and external politics.
5
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Wykorzystywanie otwartych źródeł informacji przez służby śledcze

63%
Jarczewska-Walendziak K.
Toruńskie Studia Bibliologiczne
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2017
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vol. 10
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issue 1(18)
135-148
PL
Postępujący przyrost zasobów informacji jawnej oraz możliwość szybkiego i łatwego ich pozyskiwania sprawiają, że coraz częściej różne podmioty wykorzystują je w podejmowanych przez siebie działaniach. Sytuację taką obserwuje się m.in. w służbach śledczych, które korzystają z tego typu zasobów przed przystąpieniem do oraz w trakcie wykonywania dalszych działań wywiadowczych prowadzonych innymi środkami. Niniejszy artykuł jest próbą opisu możliwości wykorzystywania otwartych źródeł informacji w pracy służb śledczych. Autorka przybliża istotę i znaczenie informacji jawno-źródłowych, etapy ich analizy, rodzaje istniejących źródeł oraz przykłady ich wykorzystywania przez służby śledcze w Polsce, jak i za granicą. Osobne miejsce w artykule zajmuje prezentacja zalet i wad wywiadu białego oraz ograniczeń w wykorzystywaniu otwartych źródeł informacji wynikających z przyrostu zasobów informacyjnych oraz automatyzacji procesów wyszukiwania informacji.
EN
The progressive increase in overt information resources and the ability to quickly and easily access them make more and more different entities use them in actions they take. Such a situation is observed, among others, in investigative services that use these resources prior to and during the execution of further intelligence activities conducted by other means. This article is an attempt to describe the possibility of using open sources of information in the work of investigative services. It describes the essence and importance of overtly accessible information, the stages of its analysis and examples of its use by the prosecution services in Poland and abroad. The article also presents advantages and disadvantages of the so-called white interview and restrictions on the use of information open sources resulting from information resources increase and automation of information retrieval.
6

Robert Walter’s Struggle with the UB: the Unknown Story

63%
Łagosz Z.
Studia Religiologica
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2013
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vol. 46
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issue 4
293–306
EN
This paper attempts to show the unknown life story of Robert Walter (1908–1981). Walter was one of the best-known Polish esotericist, and yet the most forgotten, as well as the leader of the Memphis-Misraim Order, who also used the pseudonym “Waltari”. His story remains unknown to this day, including the time of being imprisoned by the Offi ce of Public Security (UB). Based on the documentation kept in the archives of the Institute of National Remembrance (IPN), agential reports indicate he raised interest on two levels: the first was his connections in esoteric and academic circles, and the second – the more important – his acquaintance with Boris Smyslovsky during the years of the occupation.
7
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PRACOWNICY OCHRONY W ŚWIETLE USTAWY DEREGULACYJNEJ

51%
Szczęsny M.
Polityka Społeczna
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2015
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vol. 42
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issue 1(490)
13-18
EN
In 2013 was decided about making easier the access to many professions. The center of the gravity was putting on the deregulation of security guard profession. Demands of the branch were considered in connection with limitation the numbers of disabled people and Work-Protected Institutions, but the changes went considerably deeper. In practice it wasn't successful to reduce the number of Work-Protected Institutions and disabled people in branch of security people and property. Entrepreneurs moved disabled workers on different offices, where isn't required possession the authorization to serve as a security guard. Thanks to this, they didn't lose the status Work-Protected Institutions. Costs of maintenance of qualified security guards increased, what was connected with compulsory examinations and trainings.
PL
W 2013 r. zdecydowano o ułatwieniu dostępu do wielu profesji. Punkt ciężkości położono m.in. na deregulację zawodu ochraniarza. Uwzględniono wtedy żądania branży co do ograniczenia liczby osób niepełnosprawnych oraz Zakładów Pracy Chronionej, jednak zmiany poszły znacznie głębiej. W praktyce nie udało się zredukować liczby Zakładów Pracy Chronionej ani osób niepełnosprawnych. Przedsiębiorcy dokonali przesunięć pracowników niepełnosprawnych na inne stanowiska, gdzie nie jest wymagane posiadanie uprawnień do wykonywania zawodu. Dzięki temu nie utracili statusu ZPCh. Wzrosły jednak koszty utrzymania kwalifikowanych pracowników ochrony związane z obowiązkowymi badaniami i szkoleniami.
8
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The iron or rustproof Felix?: Felix Dzerzhinsky as a symbol of revolutionary fanaticism, trivialization of injustice and dubious democracy in Soviet and Post-Soviet era Russia

38%
Sniegon T., Medková B.
Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)
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2022
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vol. 29
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issue 3
772-795
EN
The article discusses the cult associated with the personality of Felix Edmundovich Dzerzhinsky (1877–1926), a revolutionary and the founder of the political police in the Soviet Union, and the changing meanings of this cult in various stages of the history of the Soviet Union and post-Soviet Russia. Thanks to Dzerzhinsky, as the head of the most significant repressive component, Soviet state terror acquired a very specific institutionalized form. The image of Dzerzhinsky as the basis for the mythologizing of the Soviet political police became very useful in all stages of the development of the Soviet system, most significantly for the development of the cult being the period after the Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956. Even later, despite many revelations of the crimes of communism, the glorification of Felix Dzerzhinsky and the trivialization of the terror he introduced has not completely disappeared. The myth about the founder of the “Cheka” remained very similar or even identical in its main features in all these periods, but its functions varied in time. State security officials in Russia still call themselves “Chekists” in reference to Dzerzhinsky’s VChK/Cheka. The author therefore concludes that his cult has become more useful for state power in the Kremlin in the long run than the cults of other Soviet-era leaders, including Vladimir Lenin and Joseph Stalin.
CS
Studie se zabývá kultem spojeným s osobností Felixe Edmundoviče Dzeržinského (1877–1926), revolucionáře a zakladatele politické policie v Sovětském svazu, a proměnami tohoto kultu v různých etapách dějin SSSR a postsovětského Ruska. Jako vedoucí nejvýznamnější represivní složky, známé pod zkratkou Čeka, stál Dzeržinskij jasně v pozadí zcela konkrétní institucionalizované podoby sovětského státního teroru. Jak autor ukazuje, obraz Dzeržinského jako základ mytologizace sovětské politické policie se stal velmi užitečným ve všech etapách vývoje sovětského systému, přičemž nejvýznamnější pro rozvoj tohoto kultu bylo paradoxně období po dvacátém sjezdu Komunistické strany Sovětského svazu v roce 1956. Glorifikace Felixe Dzeržinského a banalizace teroru, který zavedl, zcela nezmizely ani později, navzdory mnoha odhalením zločinů komunismu. Zatímco mýtus o zakladateli Čeky zůstával po celou dobu v hlavních rysech podobný, nebo dokonce totožný, jeho funkce se časem proměňovaly. Odkaz na Dzeržinského represivní organizaci je dodnes přítomný ve způsobu, jakým sami sebe označují příslušníci ruské státní bezpečnosti („čekisté“). Autor proto dochází k závěru, že kult tohoto muže se stal pro státní moc v Kremlu dlouhodobě užitečnějším než kulty jiných vůdců sovětské éry, včetně Vladimira Iljiče Lenina a Josifa Vissarionoviče Stalina.
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