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Samosprávný socialismus v československém průmyslu, 1968-1969

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Šlouf J.

Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)

2020

vol. 27

issue 1

9-57

There was a specific consensus existing between enterprise-level cells of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and the workers’ councils, with the latter respecting political views of the party organs and the former, on the other hand, accepting professional competencies of the councils. The best example on which the hybrid practice could be followed was a new phenomenon of public auditions for managerial positions. The author shows how the initially economic project of the enterprise councils was increasingly transforming itself into a movement with political ambitions since the August 1968 occupation. The informal centre of these activities was Škoda Plzeň, which organized a nationwide congress of self-governing bodies in January 1969. After the fall of the reform-oriented leadership of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia in April 1969, the workers’ councils were becoming increasingly dependent on the leeway vis-á-vis superiors, which company-level party organizations created for them. The latter were effectively resisting political purges for a few months; in this respect, they were making use, in particulars, of worries of the central apparatus of mass protests before the anniversary of the occupation in August 1969. However, after the forced resignation of company-level reformists in the autumn of 1969, the self-governing bodies lost all political support and dissolved themselves.

Naprostá většina zvolených se rekrutovala z řad technické inteligence mužského pohlaví a středního věku. Tato nová socialistická inteligence se postavila de facto do čela dělnického hnutí. Mezi radami pracujících a podnikovými organizacemi Komunistické strany Československa fungoval specifický konsenzus, ve kterém rady respektovaly politická stanoviska stranických orgánů a ty naopak přijímaly odborné kompetence rad. Nejlépe bylo možno tuto hybridní praxi sledovat na novém fenoménu veřejných konkurzů do manažerských funkcí. Autor ukazuje, jak se po okupaci v srpnu 1968 původně ekonomický projekt podnikových rad stále více transformoval do podoby hnutí s politickými reformními ambicemi. Neformálním centrem těchto aktivit se stal podnik Škoda Plzeň, který v lednu 1969 uspořádal celostátní sjezd samospráv. Rady pracujících se po pádu reformního vedení KSČ v dubnu 1969 stávaly stále více závislé na prostoru, který jim vůči nadřízeným instancím vytvářely stranické organizace podnikové úrovně. Ty se samy několik měsíců účinně bránily před politickými čistkami, přičemž využívaly zejména obav centrálního aparátu z masových protestů před výročím okupace v srpnu 1969. Po nuceném odchodu reformních funkcionářů na podnikové úrovni na podzim 1969 však již samosprávy ztratily veškeré politické zázemí a samy se rozpustily.

Rok 1989 jako začátek konce Jugoslávie - slovinská perspektiva: slovinské veřejné mínění a povaha federace

88%

Gašparič J., Medková B.

Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)

2021

vol. 28

issue 1

70-98

The author examines the attitude of Slovenians to the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia since the late 1960s until the declaration of the independent Republic of Slovenia in 1991. He asks himself a question whether socialist Yugoslavia was indeed a state which Slovenians perceived as theirs, just like they had done in the case of the pre-war Kingdom of Yugoslavia, and he observes how their identification with that state was changing over time, the reasons of the changes, and whether the loss of their loyalty caused the disintegration of the Yugoslav federation. He is looking for answers in public opinion polls which had been continually taking place in Slovenia since 1968 and conducted in a relatively fair manner, without political interventions, which is indeed a rarity in the context of socialist countries. Using their results, the author concludes that Slovenians viewed themselves as a natural part of the Yugoslav community until the late 1980s. This opinion was shared by a majority of Slovenia’s population, although many of them were not satisfied with Slovenia’s position in Yugoslavia, or their living standard at times of economic crises. It was only in 1989 that the opinion that Yugoslavia as a “country of many advantages” had run out of its potential and no longer offered good prospects for future prevailed among Slovenians. However, their attitudes reacting to accelerating changes both at home and abroad did not cause the disintegration of the common state. After 1991, Slovenians completely (and sometimes uncritically) identified themselves with independent Slovenia, and mostly (although rather declaratively) also with values of parliamentary democracy. The author’s exposition is preceded by an analysis of published sources on the disintegration of Yugoslavia and based on an extensive set of empirical data from public opinion polls in the form of tables.

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2 Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)

1 Gašparič J.

1 Medková B.

1 Šlouf J.

1 2021

1 2020

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Samosprávný socialismus v československém průmyslu, 1968-1969

Rok 1989 jako začátek konce Jugoslávie - slovinská perspektiva: slovinské veřejné mínění a povaha federace