Sytuacja społeczna i gospodarcza Ukrainy, a zwłaszcza pauperyzacja społeczeństwa oraz pogłębiające się problemy budżetu, skłaniają do zwrócenia uwagi na te obszary państwa, które mogą generować zagrożenia dla Europy. Powiększa się rozdźwięk między obecną władzą a niektórymi środowiskami nacjonalistycznymi, posiadającymi dużą reprezentację w Radzie Najwyższej Ukrainy, co sprawia, iż należy podchodzić pesymistycznie od wdrożenia porozumienia „Mińsk II” w zakresie deeskalacji sytuacji w Donbasie. W związku z tym na Ukrainie można mówić o trwałym zagrożeniu destabilizacją. Występuje ono w szczególny sposób w wielu obszarach zachodniej części Ukrainy. Procesy separatystyczne mają miejsce w szczególności w regionie Zakarpacia, gdzie rozwija się ruch Rusinów karpackich i mniejszości węgierskiej. Ponadto regionem tym wstrząsają konflikty między silnymi grupami przestępczymi, związanymi z ukraińskimi nacjonalistami.
EN
The current social and economic situation of Ukraine, and especially the impoverishment of society and the growing problems of the budget, tend to pay attention to those areas of the state that can generate a threat to Europe. There is growing gap between the authorities and some nationalist circles, who have a large representation in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. This situation makes it necessary to approach pessimistic about the implementation of the Agreement "Minsk II" in the field of de-escalation of the conflict in Donbas. Therefore, Ukraine can talk about a permanent threat of destabilization. It occurs in a special way in many areas of the western part of Ukraine. Separatist processes take place in particular in the Transcarpathian region. There is growing national Ruthenian movement toward autonomy, supported by the Hungarian minority. Moreover the region is experiencing sharp fighting between criminal organizations associated with Ukrainian nationalists.
Gdansk Pomerania supervising the transfer of information was considered very important in shaping the mood among both Kashubians and immigrant population after 1945. Widely understood "topic Kashubian", Kashubian regionalism was a "special" difficult "stretch" for the Gdansk censorship. Censors suspiciously approached the specifics of the Kashubian region, deletions, or assessments periodicals guided by prejudice against Kashubians. Representatives of censorship perceived intelligence community of the Kashubians as reluctant socialist power, as potential supporters of German "revisionism". The term regionalism Kashubian replaced the term separatism. Reluctantly treated deep attachment to their own language, traditions, family, respect for property, a natural in this community ideological and religious conservatism, distrust of "outsiders". The actions of the censors in Gdansk see bias against the community, the specifics and views censors did not understand and did not accept. As a result of the thaw in 1956, for the Kashubian related to the regionalism recognized the opportunity to speak about their own needs. It appeared in the form of initiatives biweekly "Kaszëbë" published by the Association of Kashubian in the years 1957–1961. Periodical constantly was "suspect" in the eyes of Gdansk censorship, often erected Kashubian journalists objection to promote its pages separatism. The existence of this title was a kind of censorship for the missed time experiment "thaw" extremely troublesome surveillance. None of wybrzeżowych periodicals, was not so "worked on" by the censors. In censorship it was concluded that the magazine did not fulfill reported by its initiators purposes - declarations of editorial work on the approximation of the biweekly problems Kashubians Polish population, according to the Gdansk censorship and the remaining unrealized. This, clearly differed publications "Kaszëbë" many-fits publications, was not appreciated by the censors, and the difference lies in the fact that the periodical raised issues that interested Kashubians. Issuing "Kaszëbë" even without "separatist inclined towards" was discontinued, besides the active participation of censorship, at the end of 1961.
Political and economic factors always play the main role in the secession of territory. Various aspects of geographic location may however facilitate or hinder secession, as well as the effective functioning of the newly emerged state. For Africa, geographic location in secession may be of greater importance than in the case of other continents. This is caused for the most part by the fact that African states are some of the poorest in the world and are often unable to effectively counteract secession through military means. The lack of well-formed democratic state institutions in turn impedes the peaceful resolution of problems constituting the basis of secessionist tendencies. These are precisely the conditions under which geographic location plays a more critical role.
In founding a new religious denomination – Sikhism – Guru Nanak in a way combine two rival religions – Hinduism and Islam. The tolerant nature of Sikhism garnered him many proponents, which contributed to the establishment of the Sikh Empire in the 19th century. The empire flourished until it was overthrown by armed forces of the British Crown. After the departure of the British colonisers in 1947, the idea of creating a sovereign Sikh state called Khalistan arose in Punjab – the cradle of Sikhism in India. Gradually, the sentiments of large portion of the Sikh population became radicalised. A terrorist organisation, formed by Sikh fundamentalist Jarnail Bhindranwale and supported by many Sikhs, began persecuting the followers of other religions and fighting for the creation of a Sikh state in Punjab. The radicalisation of public sentiments among the Sikh population led to mass pogroms, a military operation in the Sikhs’ holy place and the assassination of Indira Gandhi, the prime minister of India.
The article presents a correlation between the size of the German population in the interwar period in the Silesian voivodeship and the results achieved by German electoral lists in the elections to the Polish parliament in 1922–1930. The author not only indicates significant differences between the numbers declared in the German census and the results of the elections, but also tries to find out the cause of this situation. He also discusses the differences between the various parts of the voivodship, especially between Prussian and Austrian Silesia (Cieszyn Silesia), showing how the different levels of Polish national consciousness and regional separatism in these two parts influenced the outcome of the elections for the German minority.
The article focuses on the autonomous and separatist pursuits that occur in present day Italy. The work was inspired by the consultative referendums of 2017 in the regions of Veneto and Lombardia. Their aim was to give the residents a chance to express their views regarding the possible expansion of the autonomy of these two administrative units. As a result of the plebiscites, a significant majority voted for the expansion of the autonomy, which might trigger the pursuit of more permissions for the regions. One has to remember that in accordance with the constitution, Italy is a unanimous and non-divisible state. However, this does not mean that presently (as well as in the future) there are no separatist and autonomous tendencies. The tendencies have historical, economical, cultural, social or political reasons. The aim of the article is to analyze these tendencies on the basis subject literature and sources.
The processes of separation and unification of states and state systems are permanent elements in international relations. Alongside national development, the ethnic factor became another cause for both integration, as well as fragmentation of states. Nowadays, in Europe and in the world both tendencies appear. We are dealing with aspirations to unify, to focus on shared values, and parallel – to emphasise separateness and separate identity in external relations and inside multinational states. This article concentrates on the disintegration tendencies in the contemporary international order: separatisms, secessions and revolutions. Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14760
Notwithstanding lack of detailed and freely accessible data, this paper examines the heavily under researched issue of ethno-nationalism and separatism amid Iran‘s largest ethnic minority, Azerbaijanis, in an attempt to identify whether they may pose a threat to the territorial integrity of the Islamic Republic. Despite the fact that Azerbaijanis, a predominantly shiite community speaking a Turkic language, have historically been deeply integrated into Iranian society generating numerous élite members, recent decades have seen a gradual rise of nationalistic sentiments among them; sentiments that in some occasions have bordered on claims for secession. The authors claim that this process was instigated by a range of factors including the obtaining of independence by the post-Soviet Republic of Azerbaijan, introduction of Turkish and Azeri satellite TV broadcast to Iran’s Azerbaijani provinces and increasing levels of economic migration from Iranian Azerbaijan to Turkey. The authors conclude by stating that as of yet, the community of Iranian Azerbaijanis is deeply divided between religiously-minded assimilationists advocating for the established status quo and ever radicalized ethno-nationalists whose aim is to at least achieve more ethno-cultural rights for themselves.
The aim of the article is to analyze the separatist tendencies in the Balkans, which occurred after the end of the war in Yugoslavia, and reaching the Dayton Peace Agreement, in the light of international law. The article will present the most important antagonisms of ethnic character, which constitute examples of new generation of contemporary separatism: Serbian separatism in Bosnia and Herzegovina, a conflict with Albanian minority in Macedonia, Albanian-Serbian conflict in Kosovo. Separatisms in the Balkans pose a threat to the security and stability of the relations in Europe. While solving the research issue, the following research methods have been adopted: analysis, synthesis and case studies. The inquiry of the literature has enabled the confrontation of the author’s own reflections with present research findings. The structure of the article consists of 7 parts: “Introduction”, “The Balkan War”, “Bosnia and Herzegovina after Dayton”, “Macedonia (North Macedonia)”, “Montenegro”, “Kosovo”, and “Conclusions”.
For centuries Central and Eastern Europe has been the scene of frequent changes of borders and numerous ethnic conflicts. Contemporary ethnic diversity of this region is much smaller, however, the growing nationalisms of the various societies, mutual mistrust, and the temptation of politicians to use ethnic issues in the regional geopolitical competition pose a real threat to the stability and peace in Central and Eastern Europe. The dynamic political, legal, social and economic changes which have been taking place in this part of Europe for three decades now, which overlay its clear civilization division into the Latin and the Byzantine parts and are intensified by historical animosities, must have had an impact on the situation and the perception of minorities. In contrast to Western Europe, the contemporary ethnic diversity of Central and Eastern Europe is primary the consequence of various, often centuries-old historical processes (settlement actions, voluntary and forced migrations, border changes, the political and economic expansion of particular countries), and in the ethnic structure especially dominate the indigenous groups, migrants, particularly from the outside of the European cultural circle, are of marginal importance. Moreover, national minorities are usually concentrated in the border regions of countries, often in close proximity to their home countries, becoming – often against their will – element of the internal and foreign policies of neighbouring countries. The main aims of the article are to explain the threats to peace arising from the attempts to use minorities in inter-state relations and regional geopolitics as well as engaging minority groups into ethnic and political conflicts (autonomy of regions, secession attempts) and still the very large role of history (especially negative, tragic events) in the shaping of contemporary interethnic relations in Central and Eastern Europe. However, the varied ethnic structure typical for this region does not have to be a conflict factor, on the contrary – it can become a permanent element of the identity and cultural heritage of each country.
The article deals with the phenomenon of separatism, its common understanding and main features. It discusses the most important separatist tendencies and the threat of separatism in the EU, including the typology and the centres of separatism in Europe. The principal reasons for separatist movements in the EU are described. Considering the complex origin of separatism, the homogeneity of its foundation in Europe is proved and the threat of separatism in Ukraine is analysed. Manifestations of separatism in Ukraine and the EU are compared, the influence of globalisation and regionalisation on the ethnopolitical process in the EU and Ukraine is justified, and the dual influence of regionalisation on separatism is revealed.
The paper deals with some inherited traits in the relationship between the bureaucratic elite of the Kingdom of Bohemia and Silesia. One of the tendencies was an emphasis on preserving the integrity of the Crown of the Kingdom of Bohemia, especially at the time of almost permanent absence of kings from the country (this mainly concerns the governments of both Jagiellonian kings). However, the nobles of Bohemia also looked after their own interests, and Silesia was for them a space where they engaged in property speculation. They also approached the Silesian princes expediently. On the one hand, they tried to limit their power positions; on the other, they endeavoured to enlist their support in order to attain their particular objectives. But they did not succeed in dominating political life in Silesia to the extent they had succeeded in the case of Moravia and the two Lusatias.
The subject of this article is the analysis of the conflict between the Russian Federation and Georgia in 2008. The conflict has opened a new stage in Russia’s strategic drive to make decisions and implement them in areas recognized as important for the security of the country, even if they are outside its borders. The Georgian case clearly indicated that Russia wants to maintain its dominant position in the entire post-Soviet area. The region of the Caucasus remains an extremely important area for Russia, where it wants to maintain strategic control. The author proves in his article that the main determinants influencing the policy of the Russian Federation in the Caucasus region are: maintaining the greatest possible impact on the internal situation of the countries of the region, the maximum hindering possible integration with the Euro-Atlantic structures, the largest economic dependence on Russia, taking control over key sectors of the economy, maintaining military presence, isolation of the North Caucasus from Georgia, maintaining a monopoly on energy supplies, interest in Azeri mineral resources, striving to take over control of natural gas transport. The Russian-Georgian conflict of 2008 was one of the elements of Russia’s demonstration of the consequences of maintaining its dominant position in the post-Soviet area. The sphere of influence extends not only to Eastern Europe but also to the socalled Putin’s doctrine extends, in fact, to the entire area of the former USSR.
In the process of globalisation transnational corporations limit the role of individual nation states. It often happens that nation states are also made serve such corporations or act against the working class they have authority over. Patriotism may be used for the purposes of reactivation, criticism, or making progress. However, the role it plays depends on people who refer to it and socio-political conditions. Contradictions generated by globalisation have a negative impact on patriotism in its original meaning. The process has not led to the twilight of homelands, and patriotism or nationalism but to new waves of nationalism, racism, and separatism.
Bad tradition. Bullfight's prohibition in CataloniaThis article presents the process of banning bullfighting in Catalonia, which led ultimately to cease its organization in 2012. Discussion about bullfighting in Catalonia is an equally political, social and ethical issue. Outlawing the bullfights is a demonstration of province autonomy against the central government, but is also a manifestation of changes in the social sensitivity towards animals. Decision of the Parliament of Catalonia also activated its local supporters of bullfighting who began a legislative battle which aims to restore bullfights spectacles on Barcelona’s arenas. Zła tradycja. Delegalizacja corridy de toros w KataloniiOd stycznia 2012 roku w całej Katalonii zakazane jest organizowanie corridy de toros. Decyzja ta została podjęta przez Autonomiczny Parlament Kataloński w sierpniu 2010 roku. Delegalizacja corridy de toros spotkała się z przychylnym przyjęciem ze strony przeciwników tradycji tauromachicznych (z udziałem byków). Ze strony zwolenników corridy de toros posypały się natomiast formalne oskarżenia o niekonstytucyjność uchwały. Katalonia jako region autonomiczny już od czasów historycznych charakteryzowała się specyficzną kulturą i językiem, co zawsze było fundamentem poczucia odrębności kulturowej i etnicznej Katalończyków wobec innych grup tworzących Hiszpanię. Nie od dziś wiadomo, że Katalonia ma tendencje separatystyczne, co według wielu zwolenników corridy de toros ma swoje odzwierciedlenie w oficjalnym negowaniu tego, co „hiszpańskie” (nie katalońskie). Corrida de toros jest również tradycją praktykowaną we Francji i Portugalii, niemniej zazwyczaj jest kojarzona z Hiszpanią. Interesujące w tym kontekście może być to, że od wielu lat toczy się w Hiszpanii spór o to, by wpisać tauromachię na listę światowego dziedzictwa UNESCO, co udało się Francji w roku 2011. Po stronie hiszpańskiej pierwszym krokiem tej procedury było przyjęcie przez parlament uchwały, deklarującej tauromachię jako niematerialne dziedzictwo kulturowe Hiszpanii. Historia walki z corridą de toros trwa niemal od samego początku jej istnienia, angażuje autorytety polityczne, religijne, czy związane ze sztuką. Wydawać by się mogło, że cała Hiszpania – z wyjątkiem Katalonii – praktykuje corridę de toros z różnym entuzjazmem. Okazuje się jednak, że nie jest tak do końca. Najbardziej jaskrawym tego przykładem są Wyspy Kanaryjskie, które jako region autonomiczny w roku 1991 przegłosowały uchwałę dotyczącą ochrony zwierząt. W ramach tej decyzji, w artykule 5.1, uwzględniono także corridę de toros, której zakazanie było tylko formalnością z uwagi na fakt, że na wyspach praktycznie nie było śladów zainteresowania tą tradycją. Z kolei w Galicji kwestia stosunku do corridy de toros przybrała nieco odmienny charakter. Region ten nie podnosił – przynajmniej oficjalnie i jednoznacznie – postulatów o delegalizację tauromachii, ale od lat podkreślano, że tradycja organizowania corridy de toros nie nawiązuje do korzeni kulturowych Galicji. W przypadku Katalonii corrida de toros stała się narzędziem do zademonstrowania światu swojej inności od reszty Hiszpanii, a dla nacjonalistycznie nastawionej części Katalończyków stała się dowodem na kulturową wyższość względem sąsiada.
The aim of this article was to present the referendum on independence within the framework of the current definitions and typologies of referendum, and to present the main doubts concerning the political conditions and the function of the independence referendum. The referendum on independence in most cases is considered to be a particular instrument of direct democracy and a key step in the process of gaining statehood by the ethno-regional movements. Such a type of referendum should be defined as popular vote in which citizens (with voting rights) of a certain territory may declare their will to establish a new state through secession. The independence referendum is a concept in relation to which there is a significant disproportion between the number of empirical studies in the form of a case study and the number of studies of more general character and theoretical ambitions. The key issues concerning the analysis of this category of referenda are: the referendum procedure - the way of referendum initiative, the preconditions, the persons entitled, the content of the question or the interpretation of the results. It is important to remember about the possibility of a constitutional regulations of referendum, although its implementation is influenced by current factors and tactical political decisions by actors, just like ordinary public votes.
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu było ujęcie referendum niepodległościowego w ramach obecnych w nauce definicji i typologii oraz ukazanie głównych wątpliwości dotyczących politologicznych uwarunkowań oraz funkcji referendum niepodległościowego. Referendum niepodległościowe w większości przypadków uchodzi za szczególny instrument demokracji bezpośredniej i kluczowy etap procesu uzyskiwania własnej państwowości przez ruchy etnoregionalistyczne. Należy je zdefiniować jako głosowanie o charakterze powszechnym, w którym obywatele danego terytorium posiadający czynne prawo wyborcze mogą zadeklarować wolę utworzenia nowego państwa poprzez secesję. Referendum niepodległościowe jest pojęciem, w odniesieniu do którego widoczna jest istotna dysproporcja między liczbą badań empirycznych w formie studium przypadku a liczbą studiów o bardziej generalnym charakterze i teoretycznych ambicjach. Kluczowe problemy dotyczące analizy tej kategorii referendów to: określenie procedury referendum – sposobu inicjacji, warunków wstępnych, osób uprawnionych, treści pytania czy interpretacji wyników. Pamiętać należy o możliwości ustrojowego umocowania instytucji referendum, choć jej realizacja podlega wpływowi czynników bieżących oraz taktycznych decyzji politycznych aktorów, tak jak zwykłe głosowania powszechne.
This paper presents the political and cultural spectrum and an outline of the history of Catalonia. The work covers the period from the eighth century to the present times, highlighting 300 years of continuous efforts from part of Catalan citizens to become an independent state. The second part is mostly focused on explaining the modern nationalist movement by sketching its political and social stage out. It also contains cultural implications and the outcome of the recent referendum. The aim of the study was to present the roots and causes of the development of a separatist movement in Catalonia to help better understand the separatist processes that are currently intensifying worldwide. Catalan nationalist always stress that their way to achieve the goal is the way of peace. It is interesting to see how involved the people are and how many creative social movements exist on the territory of Catalonia that are fighting for, what they call, their land in peaceful and legal way.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono spektrum polityczne i kulturowe oraz zarys historii Katalonii w okresie od VIII w. aż do czasów obecnych. Celem pracy było przedstawienie korzeni i przyczyn rozwoju ruchu separatystycznego w Katalonii.
The Polish authorities had a negative attitude towards the central government of the Czechoslovak Republic at that time. Therefore, the Polish reprezentatives were in active contact with the opposition Glinka Slovak People’s Party. They had a number of common ideological values such as Slavic reciprocity, Catholicism, Anti-Bolshevism, and positive assessment of authoritarianism. The Polish politics assured that Warsaw supports state-building plans of the Slovak leaders and solemnly welcomed their delegation to Poland in May 1938. Polish-Slovak relations were marked by contradictions during and shortly after the Munich crisis. The Slovaks suggested state association and submitted a declaration on the Polish-Slovak union. But they did not receive an answer, so they agreed with the Prague government about granting Slovakia autonomy. The Polish authorities expected more pronounced separatism from the Slovaks. Warsaw made territorial claims for Slovak lands in the area of Spis and Orava because Poles wanted to push indecisive oppositionists. The ultimate form of the demands and the forceful nature of Polish actions demonstrated the real content of Warsaw’s policy towards Slovakia. These events resulted to the improvement of Czech-Slovak relations within the framework of Post Munich Czechoslovakia and also led to the appeal of Slovak politicians to Germany. Both sides tried to improve the atmosphere of bilateral relations during the winter of 1938-1939. Meetings of delegations were organized for discuss different ways to intensify positive cooperation. An influence of Nazi Germany was increasing in the region at that time. So, the realization of the danger, posed by Germans, was the main factor to Polish-Slovak rapprochement. In early March, Berlin organized a campaign to put pressure on Slovak politicians and persuaded them to secession. They tried in vain to put forward a Polish counterweight. The declaration of independence of Slovakia according to the German scenario marked the strategic failure of Polish foreign policy, because the southern border of the state became a zone of potential danger
UK
Тогочасна польська влада негативно ставилася до центрального уряду Чехословацької республіки. Тому вона активно контактувала з опозиційною Глінковою словацькою народною партією, з якою мала низку спільних ідеологічних цінностей: слов’янська взаємність, католицизм, антибільшовизм, позитивне ставлення до авторитаризму. Польські діячі запевняли, що Варшава підтримує державотворчі плани словацьких лідерів, урочисто вітали їх делегацію в Польщі у травні 1938 р. Під час та відразу після мюнхенської кризи польсько-словацькі взаємини відзначалися суперечністю. Словаки запропонували державне об’єднання і представили декларацію про польсько-словацьку унію. Проте, не отримавши відповіді, домовилися з празьким урядом про надання Словаччині автономії. Польська сторона очікувала від словаків більш вираженого сепаратизму. Аби підштовхнути нерішучих опозиціонерів Варшава висунула територіальні претензії на словацькі землі в районі Спіша та Орави. Ультимативний характер вимог та силові дії польської влади продемонстрували дійсний характер її політики щодо Словаччини. Це мало наслідком покращення чесько-словацьких відносин у рамках помюнхенської Чехо-Словаччини, а також зумовило звернення поглядів словацьких політиків до Німеччини. Взимку 1938-1939 рр. обидві сторони намагалися поліпшити атмосферу двосторонніх взаємин. Відбувалися зустрічі делегацій, на яких обговорювалися шляхи активізації позитивної співпраці. Головним чинником польсько-словацького зближення в цей час було усвідомлення небезпеки з боку Німеччини, яка збільшувала свій вплив у регіоні. На початку березня Берлін організував кампанію тиску на словацьких діячів, схиляючи їх до сецесії, водночас вони марно намагалися висунути цьому польську противагу. Проголошення незалежності Словаччини за німецьким сценарієм ознаменувало стратегічну невдачу польської зовнішньої політики, адже південний кордон держави ставав зоною потенційної небезпеки.
Konflikt zbrojny na wschodzie Ukrainy przez jednych jest postrzegany jako konflikt wewnętrzny, w którym siły rządowe walczą z separatystami. Dla innych, jest to międzynarodowy konflikt rosyjsko-ukraiński. Głównym problemem badawczym tego artykułu jest poszukiwanie odpowiedzi na pytanie: w jaki sposób Federacja Rosyjska jest zaangażowana w konflikt zbrojny w Donbasie? Celem niniejszego artykułu jest próba wyjaśnienia konfliktu na wschodzie Ukrainy w oparciu o teorię wojny zastępczej, oraz ukazanie praktycznego zastosowania tej strategii przez Federację Rosyjską.
EN
For some, armed conflict in eastern Ukraine is considering as a civil war where government fights against separatists. For others, it is an inter-state war between Ukraine and Russia. The main question of this research is how Russia is involved in armed conflict in Donbass? The aim of this paper is attempt to explain situation in eastern Ukraine base on proxy war theory and to present practical adoption of this strategy by Russia.
Od ponad 200 lat Katalonia sygnalizowała aspiracje uzyskania niezależnej państwowości. Dążenia niepodległościowe Katalonii mają charakter patriotyczny oraz są prowadzone już od wielu lat w wielu segmentach życia. Wydarzenia mające miejsce w Katalonii w 2017 r., w związku z referendum niepodległościowym, stanowiły kulminację dążeń niepodległościowych tego regionu na przestrzeni ostatnich stu lat. Referendum z 2017 roku i ogłoszenie przez Katalonię niepodległości wpłynęło negatywnie na stabilność polityczną i społeczno-gospodarczą regionu. W artykule dokonano analizy ekonomicznych skutków działań separatystycznych w 2017 roku.
EN
For over 200 years, Catalonia has signaled its aspirations to gain an independent state. Catalonia's efforts for independence are patriotic and have been carried out for many years in many segments of life. The events that took place in Catalonia in 2017, in connection with the independence referendum, were the culmination of the region's independence efforts over the past hundred years. The 2017 referendum and the declaration of independence by Catalonia had a negative impact on the political and socio-economic stability of the region. The article analyzes the economic effects of the separatist activities in 2017.
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