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2015
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vol. XI
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issue (1/2015)
229-243
EN
The article presents the results of a research on single mothers and their sense of purpose and meaning in life. Questions about the meaning of one’s own existence recur, with varying intensity, in the consciousness of every human being. Moreover, people always fulfil their own, personal meaning, related to their specific situation. The questions ‘who am I?’, ‘why do I live?’, ‘what is the meaning of my life?’ seem particularly relevant when a person is in a difficult situation. Single parenthood can be perceived as such a situation. The literature of the subject suggests multiple negative consequences of the fact of raising a child by a single parent; these consequences are faced not only by children, but also by adults. It is not possible to state unequivocally that the lack of favourable conditions will deprive a person of their sense of life purpose and meaning entirely. Similarly, even when objectively favourable conditions exist, they are not a guarantee that a person will perceive her or his life as meaningful. In a woman’s life, a difficult situation such as being a single mother, combined with homelessness and a necessity to move to a residential home for single mothers, can become the stimulus to search for and experience the meaning of life or, on the contrary, it can be a source of an existential insecurity. The purpose of this research was to learn how single mothers perceive the meaning of their lives and to assess their life purposes and aspirations. The theoretical context of these reflections is based on K. Popielski’s concept of the noetic dimension of personality and existence. The research was conducted among women living in residential homes for single mothers. Their sense of purpose and meaning in life was assessed with the use of J.C. Crumbaugh and L.T. Maholick’s Purpose in Life Scale (PIL). The collected material was evaluated using quantitative analysis.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono wyniki badań dotyczących poczucia sensu życia matek samotnie wychowujących dzieci. Pytania o sens własnej egzystencji pojawiają się z różną intensywnością w świadomości każdego człowieka. Ponadto ludzie wypełniają zawsze swój własny, osobisty sens, łączący się z konkretną sytuacją. Pytania: Kim jestem? Po co żyję? Jaki jest sens mojego życia? nasuwają się szczególnie wtedy, gdy jednostka znajduje się w trudnej sytuacji. Za taką sytuację można uznać samodzielne rodzicielstwo. W literaturze przedmiotu wskazuje się wiele negatywnych konsekwencji wynikających z faktu wychowywania dziecka tylko przez jednego z rodziców, konsekwencji ponoszonych nie tylko przez dzieci, ale również przez osoby dorosłe. Nie można jednoznacznie stwierdzić, że brak warunków dogodnych dla zaistnienia poczucia sensu życia bezwzględnie to poczucie człowiekowi odbiera. Podobnie zresztą jak istnienie owych sytuacji obiektywnie sprzyjających, nie gwarantuje zaistnienie poczucia sensu życia. Sytuacja trudna w życiu kobiety, jaką jest współwystępowanie samotnego rodzicielstwa z problemem bezdomności, wymuszającym konieczność zamieszkania w ośrodku wsparcia, może stać się dla niej bodźcem do poszukiwania i doświadczania sensu lub przeciwnie, stać się źródłem egzystencjalnego zagrożenia. Celem podjętych badań było poznanie poczucia sensu życia matek samotnie wychowujących dzieci, diagnoza ich celów i dążeń życiowych. Teoretyczny kontekst niniejszych rozważań stanowiła koncepcja noetycznego wymiaru osobowości i egzystencji K. Popielskiego. Badania przeprowadzono wśród kobiet zamieszkujących ośrodki wsparcia dla matek samotnie wychowujących dzieci. Do diagnozy poczucia sensu życia badanych zastosowano Skalę Poczucia Sensu Życia (PIL) J.C. Crumbaugha i L.T. Maholicka. Zgromadzony materiał poddano analizie ilościowej.
EN
We investigate partnership transitions of mothers who had no coresidential partner at the time of birth of their first child (‘solo mothers’). Using retrospective partnership and co-residence histories from the Czech 2005 GGS, we investigate mothers’ entry into the first subsequent co-residential partnership using event history methods. We test several hypotheses derived from the individualisation theory. While approximately one half of ‘solo mothers’ had no co-residential partner at the time they had their first child, almost 50% of them did enter a co-residential partnership subsequently. The probability of transitioning into a co-residential partnership increased over cohorts. Whereas about 25% of solo mothers from the oldest cohort (first child born before entered a co-residential partnership with the 20 years after having their first child, in the youngest cohort the figure was almost two-thirds. The highest odds are among very young solo mothers. Well-educated solo mothers are more likely to remain without a co-residential partner and the effect of education increases over cohorts, perhaps reflecting their growing ability and willingness to remain solo.
EN
Background The purpose of the study was to determine to what degree social support is differentiated by family situation, with consideration of single motherhood as a difficult circumstance, and to establish if social support is significant for satisfaction with work in the studied group of mothers. Material and Methods The sample consisted of 421 mothers: 206 (49%) of them were in a formal or casual relationship, and the remaining 215 (51%) were single mothers. The sample was studied by means of the Berlin Social Support Scales (BSSS), and the Scale of Satisfaction with Work. Results The results showed that single mothers perceived and obtained significantly less social support than mothers in relationships, and they offered to their relatives much more protective support (p = 0.006). Satisfaction with work among mothers – regardless of the family status – grows if the mother receives more social support. The information support received by mothers in relationships is not significantly related to satisfaction with work; seeking that type of support by single mothers does not have a meaningful relationship with satisfaction with work, either. Moreover, regardless of the mothers’ family status, satisfaction with work is significantly differentiated by each type of social support, except for protective support. Conclusions Social support is differentiated by the mothers’ situation in the family and at work, and it has a different impact on single mothers from the impact on mothers in relationships. Med Pr 2018;69(5):497–507
EN
Objectives: The purpose of the study has been to describe functioning of single and mothers in relationships (married or in informal relationships) at work and verify if the declared degree of work satisfaction differentiates types of behavior at work and stress coping strategies in both groups of mothers. Material and Methods: The study was conducted on equal samples of single mothers (N = 186) and mothers from 2-parent families (N = 186) using Latack Coping Scale that measures work-related stress coping strategies, the AVEM (Arbeitsbezogenes Verhaltens- und Erlebensmuster – Work-Related Behavior and Experience Pattern) questionnaire, and a survey. It showed similarity between the studied groups in terms of the measured variables. Results: There were considerable differences between single and married mothers in terms of support seeking strategies. The interaction of work satisfaction and the type of motherhood significantly differentiates (p = 0.03) the avoidance strategy of resignation. Conclusions: That strategy of resignation was more frequently used by single mothers with lower work satisfaction, who were distinctly different from those whose work satisfaction was higher, and from the mothers in relationships (married or in informal relationships) (regardless of the level of their work satisfaction). Int J Occup Med Environ Health 2018;31(1):55–69
EN
During the post-October thaw, new topics appeared in the Polish press concerning the problems of the life of the society. The protagonists of the Zwierciadło reports were women hurt and mutilated by unhappy love, mothers putting their children under the protection of the state, and infanticide. Reports revealed not only women’s problems, but also showed intolerance of the environment with rigid social norms and the lack of an effective system to help single mothers.
PL
W czasie popaździernikowej odwilży w polskiej prasie pojawiły się nowe tematy, dotyczące problemów życia społeczeństwa. Bohaterkami reportaży „Zwierciadła” były kobiety skrzywdzone i okaleczone nieszczęśliwą miłością, matki oddające dzieci pod opiekę państwa, dzieciobójczynie. Reportaże ujawniały nie tylko problemy kobiet, ale też ukazywały nietolerancję środowiska o skostniałych normach obyczajowych i brak skutecznego systemu pomocy samotnym matkom.
EN
The oppression of single mothers generally takes specific forms in neoliberal society, because the traditional pressure associated with the female caring role is accompanied by oppression derived from their dependence on the welfare system. Social work can play an important role in this oppression because, as one of the ‘psy’ professions, it becomes a tool of surveillance of fulfilment of the female caring role and aims to discourage women from dependency on welfare system at the same time. The aim of the article is to reflect the risk of oppression of single mothers from the Czech social work in the context of the cultural policy of the neoliberal state. The surveillance technologies used by social workers were sought through the analysis of Michel Foucault’s work. It was found that the promotion of idea of human as homo oeconomicus plays a role in assessment process and in choosing the method of intervention. Other significant surveillance techniques may be the illusion of the neutral knowledge of the profession, the duty of confession and the gatekeeping.
EN
According to the Polish Infertility Treatment Act, single women do not have access to medically assisted reproduction (MAR). Nevertheless, many single women had taken part in third-party reproduction before the Infertility Treatment Act came into effect. Under the current legal regulations, they are not entitled to have their embryos, which were created from their oocytes and anonymous donors’ semen, implanted. Given that Polish Law prohibits destroying embryos, the embryos will be stored for 20 years and after this time they will be donated to other couples without the single woman’s consent or knowledge. This means that a donor-conceived child will be brought up by non-genetic parents instead of their genetic mother, who wanted to give birth to a child and be responsible for him or her. The aim of this article is to analyse the risks associated with the above problem. The Polish Constitutional Tribunal’s proposal of 18 April 2018 (S 2/18) recommends the consent of the family court to embryo implantation in the cases of single women who took part in third party-reproduction using MAR before it became illegal. In this article I present some weaknesses of this solution and present another proposal which gives a chance to protect the involved parties’ interests, and which is consistent with the current legal regulations.
PL
Zgodnie z ustawą o leczeniu niepłodności samotne kobiety nie mają dostępu do medycznie wspomaganej prokreacji. Niemniej jednak wiele samotnych kobiet wzięło udział w procedurach dawstwa heterologicznego zanim ustawa o leczeniu niepłodności weszła w życie. Zgodnie z obowiązującymi regulacjami prawnymi nie są one uprawnione do implantacji zarodków, które zostały utworzone z ich komórek rozrodczych oraz z nasienia anonimowych dawców. Mając na względzie, że prawo polskie zakazuje niszczenia zarodków, podlegają one przechowaniu przez dwadzieścia lat, a następnie są przekazywane do dawstwa innej parze bez zgody, a nawet wiedzy samotnej kobiety. Oznacza to, że dziecko poczęte w tych procedurach będzie wychowywanie przez parę, która nie jest z nim genetycznie spokrewniona, zamiast przez samotną matkę, która jest rodzicem genetycznym i chce urodzić oraz wychować dziecko. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza zagrożeń związanych z powyższym problemem. Propozycja Trybunału Konstytucyjnego (postanowienie TK z 18 kwietnia 2018 r., S 2/18) zakłada zgodę sądu opiekuńczego na implantację zarodków w sytuacjach kobiet, które wzięły udział w procedurach MAR zanim stało się to nielegalne. W artykule przedstawione zostają wady takiego rozwiązania oraz zaprezentowana zostaje propozycja, która daje szansę na ochronę interesów zaangażowanych podmiotów oraz spójność z aktualnymi regulacjami prawnymi.
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Trendy v porodech mimo partnerství

63%
EN
Single motherhood is known to have negative consequences on the wellbeing and life chances of mothers and their children. It appears as a consequence of parental dissolution or birth to an unpartnered woman. There are studies of divorce and union separation in the Czech Republic but less is known about women who bear their children outside unions. The goal of the paper is to determine if the proportion of mothers who bear children without having a partner changes in time and if there is a change in the socio-demographic characteristics of mothers. As the data on unpartnered childbearing are limited, the paper also aims to map the available data sources and their possibilities and limitations. Two data sources are used to measure births to unpartnered mothers, the birth register (BR) and the Labour Force Survey (LFS). BR data include mothers of liveborn infants in 2007-2014 (n is 886,467) but do not contain a direct measure of family arrangement. Single mothers are defined as those who did not provide information about newborn´s father. The LFS data set is limited to households with a member under one year of age interviewed in 1993-2010 (n is 8,172). Single motherhood is defined as an absence of mother´s partner in the household. Results about single motherhood are reported for all house holds and for those headed by one of the infant´s parents. The main independent variable is time period. Three maternal characteristics are controlled for, namely education, age, and parity. The proportion of children with unidentified fathers declined slightly from about 10% in 2007 to 8% in 2014. Both measures of unpartnered childbearing based on household composition suggest a growing trend in the 1993-2007 period and then stabilisation. The proportion of mothers without partners among all households with an infant rose from 7% (1993-1995) to 12-13% (2005-2010). As for households headed by child’s single parent, the number of single mothers is underestimated because a substantial proportion of tem live in households headed by other persons. There is a growing trend from 3% to 8%. These figures also indicate that the proportion of single mothers who live in their own households increased from 37% (1993-1995) to 60% (2008-2010). Logistic regression was used to test if the trends apply to mothers in all socio-demographic groups. The results suggest that each of the measures of unpartnered motherhood is strongly associated with low (i.e. primary) education, first parity, and low or high age of mothers (up to 25 or above 35 y.o.). Interaction between time period and maternal characteristics shows that the decline in the non-identification of fathers occured in all groups of mothers except those with low (i.e. primary or vocational) education and those of third or higher parity. These groups show a growing tendency not to acknowledge fathers. The absence of fathers in households with infants exhibited a similar trend in all groups of mothers. In sum, different definitions result in different estimates of unpartnered motherhood. Depending on the measure, the ratio of births outside unions was estimated between 8% and 12% at the end of the 2000s (i.e. the time period of 2008-2010 when all of the time series overlap). Measurement based on the absence of father in any type of household provides the highest estimate of the proportion of unpartnered childbearing, while the other two measures lead to lower estimates. The results regarding temporal trends in unpartnered childbearing also depend on measurement. This suggests that the absence of coresident partner and denial of information about child´s father are different events and they are likely to further differentiate in the future.
CS
Cílem tohoto textu je zjistit, jestli se v čase mění podíl matek, které rodí děti mimo partnerský vztah, a jestli se mění také asociace tohoto rodinného uspořádání se sociodemografickými charakteristikami matek. Rodinná uspořádání, do kterých se rodí děti, se v posledních více než dvou dekádách značně proměnila, a proto lze očekávat, že se změnil i podíl a/ nebo charakteristiky žen, které své děti rodí mimo partnerství. Jedním z důvodů, proč toho o porodech mimo partnerství víme tak málo, jsou omezené datové zdroje, ze kterých můžeme informace čerpat. Proto je cílem tohoto textu také zmapovat možnosti měření rodinného uspořádání rodiček a porovnat výsledky, která nám k tématu poskytují.
EN
The text describes the problems that were faced by single mothers seen through the prism of letters written to central government offices. The dramatic economic situation forced them to seek help from the highest authorities. As a result of social pressure, in 1974, Edward Gierek’s team established a child maintenance fund.
PL
Tekst opisuje problemy, jakie w świetle listów pisanych do urzędów centralnych dotykały matki samotnie wychowujące dzieci. Dramatyczna sytuacja ekonomiczna zmuszała je do poszukiwania pomocy u najwyższych władz. W wyniku społecznych nacisków w 1974 r. ekipa Edwarda Gierka powołała fundusz alimentacyjny.
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