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EN
In this study, the author uses Daase’s concept of extended security to analyse the main line of the Habsburg monarchy’s territorial stabilisation between 1815 and 1820 in the context of preserving the status quo and preventing the outbreak of new wars and revolutions in Europe. Using the example of the provinces of Moravia and Silesia, it then specifically looks at the issues of establishing a secret political police, detecting and monitoring dangerous persons and last but not least investigating public opinion before the Congress of Troppau in 1820.
EN
The coverage of the situation reports of the Silesian authorities for the period 1933-1939 highlighted the behaviour of German society involved in creating unions and associations of various shades and political options. This material depicts the picture with the evolution in the attitude of the Germans in Silesia going in two directions. One is marked with irredentism and deriving not only inspiration, but also directives and financial resources from the Weimar Republic and later the Reich. The other direction was more or less oriented towards the autonomous policy (in relation to the political objectives of the German policy) of the part of the minority, which required loyal inclusion in the Polish reality. The most often mentioned advocate of the latter direction was Dr Eduard Pant. The possibilities of following the same road were also in other groupings, especially Catholic ones. The situation changed as the Nazi regime began the road to war. In this case, the opposition to Hitler in German society actually was gradually dying; a majority of the Germans outside the Reich decided to follow Hitler as their patriotic duty, which did not have to mean they identified with the Nazi world-view.
EN
This study aims to disprove a thesis about the exceptional impact of this Crisis upon the qualitative and quantitative transformation of German nationalism in this part of the German Confederation, using an analysis of the response of the population of the Cisleithanian part of the Austrian Empire on the Rhine Crisis of 1840. It simultaneously aims to throw doubts on the as yet black and white perception of Austria as “Europe’s China,” whose inhabitants were cut off from the events beyond their borders by an information barrier erected by state repression. Yet, as this study aims to prove, educated Austrians, in particular, were acutely interested in international events; they had sufficient access to relevant and often highly reliable information and, in fact, no one prevented them from discussing these events in public. If the Rhine Crisis had a completely negligible impact upon the development of German Nationalism in Cisleithania, then, clearly, the main reasons for this state of affairs were to be found somewhere else than in the repressive apparatus of the Austrian Empire.
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