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Poznámka k perifrastickému futuru u obouvidových sloves aneb Prezident bude abdikovat

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Veselý L.
Naše řeč (Our Speech)
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2018
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vol. 101
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issue 4
204-217
EN
This paper presents a phenomenon (almost) thus far unnoticed, namely the use of a periphrastic futurum for the purpose of expressing perfectivity in the future tense of the biaspectual verbs (bude vetovat, bude exkomunikovat, bude rezignovat). This is actually a competition between the perfective present tense (prezident abdikujepf.) and the periphrastic futurum (prezident bude abdikovat). One of the main aims of this text is to explain this phenomenon. The author concludes that: (1) the cause or trigger of the observed phenomenon is the homonymy of the perfective and imperfective present tense, respectively their ambiguity, which may interfere with the smooth course of communication, (2) the purpose is to clearly indicate that it refers to the action in the future, (3) the relatively unambiguous expression of perfectivity by the periphrastic futurum is made possible by the lexical semantics of the respective verbs, their “non-durativity” or “short-term nature”. Other issues dealt with in this study are: (1) the possible undesirable consequences of aspectual homonymy, (2) the ways and means of their elimination, and (3) the causes of the persistence of aspectual homonymy.
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Bezpříponová substantiva a vyjadřování vidového protikladu u příbuzných sloves

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Ševčíková M.
Slovo a slovesnost: časopis pro otázky teorie a kultury jazyka (Slovo a slovesnost: A journal for the theory of language and language cultivation)
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2021
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vol. 82
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issue 4
263-288
EN
The present study deals with suffixless nouns in Czech. Two data samples are analysed to demonstrate that suffixless nouns with an action meaning mostly correspond to a pair of verbs with different themes (conveying different grammatical aspects; e.g., skok ‘jump’ < skočit ‘to jump. PFV’ : skákat ‘to jump.IPFV’), whereas non-actional suffixless nouns tend to form a single corresponding verb which uses a prefix to change the aspect (noc ‘night’ > nocovat ‘to stay.IPFV overnight’ > přenocovat ‘to stay.PFV overnight’). This distinction is applied to a third data sample to determine direction of motivation in pairs of suffixless nouns and verbs. The difference between the deverbal and denominal direction is explained by the part-of-speech category of the root morpheme which is shared by the suffixless noun and the corresponding verb(s). The relations observed are modelled as paradigms recurring across the word-formation system of Czech.
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