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EN
In the article, in relation to industrial relations in the post-Soviet states, an attempt to consolidate two theses was made. The first one refers to the system-creating role of EU membership and finds confirmation in the situation on the Estonian, Lithuanian and Latvian arenas of industrial relations. The second thesis tells of the cultural and institutional mismatch of other post-Soviet states, which is illustrated by the examples of: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Ukraine and Uzbekistan. Although these theses do not discover the new land, they are generally known - that is why they are given as theses and not hypotheses - but they are not cognitively empty and according to the writer, they still constitute an incentive for further completing the map of the land known for nearly thirty years as part of the widely understood post-soviet studies. The supplement proposed here refers to the characteristic features of the topography of industrial relations in the post-Soviet area.
EN
Work and social dialogue in Poland - debate.
PL
Praca i dialog społeczny w Polsce - debata.
EN
The aim of this paper is to present trade union views on the challenges facing the European (and global) steel industries. This refers especially to calls for the development of social dialogue around the issue of human capital investment. Since most of the EU steel sector is under control of multinational corporations, cross-border co-ordination of trade union activity is becoming more and more crucial. Proactive policies for training and lifelong learning, moving beyond a nation-state focus, are also high on the agenda. The authors then look at social dialogue in the Polish steel industry aimed at the improvement of qualifications, an issue becoming increasingly important due to anticipated repercussions of the generation gap in this sector.
EN
The paper deals with the perturbations in social dialogue in Poland, and addresses the question of whether the formula of tripartite social dialogue introduced over 20 years ago has any future. The author claims tripartism in Poland has chronically suffered from internal imbalance due to instrumental approach of the government(s) towards social partners. A possible way out of the severe crisis of social dialogue and to opening of a new chapter could lead through civic dialogue, in a formula embracing a broader spectrum of actors such as NGOs. Trade unions and employer organisations face a dilemma of a strategic weight: whether to allow new actors to the negotiation table with a view of reviving the process or defending their current position as sole partners for the government risking the continuing agony of social dialogue and petrification of unilateral government policy.
EN
The article follows the history of social pacts in Slovenia over almost a quarter of century. In the course of the social pacting at the national level, a series of pivotal points can be identified, each marking a significant change in the nature and functions of the pacts concluded, and structuring the development of social dialogue: from the juncture period (1988-1992), through stabilisation and economic recovery (1992-1996), and accommodation to the EU and EMU regime (1996-2004) to the EU accession and preparation to entering the euro-zone (1996-2004). Special attention is devoted to the most recent phase (from 2007 on) - so-called post-euro period - and the impact of the global economic crisis on the social dialogue. It is argued that the crisis has arguably further weakened the once effective, but slowly deteriorating over the years, Slovenian neo-corporatist system of industrial relations.
EN
The article contains reflections related to the centenary of the establishment of the International Labour Organization. The author points to the declining strength of employee representation, which has consequences for the ILO’s standard-setting activities, analyses the content of the ILO Centenary Declaration for the Future of Work. The paper raises the question whether, in view of the reduction of power of workers’ representation the fundamental source of particular legitimacy of the ILO can still be found in the tripartite system.
7
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The New Dialogue

80%
EN
The paper describes a problem of collision between the concept of solidarity which is based on concern for the others interests of others with the liberal concept of implementing particular goals. Institutional solutions adopted in Poland, as well as the theories and tools and methods for their description and interpretation, still have imitative character. The result is a hybrid conglomerate of institutional arrangements that are created along the lines of the existing organizational structure of the EU countries. The structure and the way of functioning of those institutions are most commonly analyzed by using borrowed theoretical solutions present in the European or American sociological literature. Social dialogue and civic dialogue do not work so as to bring the expected results which causes permanent institutional and intellectual crisis. The paper postulates to use the new dialogue for the reflection about intellectual mechanisms that create the world better suited to people's expectations.
EN
The paper addresses the issue of the role, which intelligentsia, a specific social group to be encountered in Eastern Europe only, is to play within the field of social dialogue. The author argues that intelligentsia still has a capacity to make impact on the processes of social dialogue due to possessing adequate level of culture capital, which other influential social groups, including the entrepreneurs, lack. Intelligentsia should be, thus, regarded a principal actor in Polish society.
EN
In the invitation to the 'Europe-Poland-Dialogue' conference the organisers ask: Are we witnessing the end of a certain development stage and opening of the way to subsequent stages of dialogue advancement, its functioning and development in social realities? In this paper, the attempt to answer this question entails a description of three problems addressed by the sections below. The first section presents the differences between social and civic dialogue against the background of discussions taking place in the European Union and in Poland. The second section focuses on the evaluation of the condition of Polish civic dialogue past 1989. The third section considers social dialogue in Poland from the comparative perspective of political participation and political culture indicators of the Democracy Index. The paper ends with final remarks.
EN
This paper has the following objectives. First, to trace the evolution of the institutions of industrial democracy in Poland. Initially, they were completely subordinated to the authorities (the Leninist model). They then made adjustments to the industrial decision-making system. In the 1980s they would substitute the institutions of political democracy, thus becoming the main internal factor contributing to the decomposition of the party state. After 1989, those anti-system institutions became an important building block of the post-Communist order, and a post-Solidarity one between 2005-2007 and from 2015The global experience in this respect is different.
EN
The main aims of this article are: a presentation of the theoretical framework for the analysis of the social pacts policy (taking into consideration that social pacts are phenomena which are very difficult to clearly define) and the presentation of the practice of this policy in chosen European countries (including three cases of “using” social pacts for the shaping of public policy, taking into consideration the fact that the form and content of social pacts vary from country to country). Social pacts are very special kinds of agreements between the representatives of the state and the interest groups. They can include various issues of social and economic policies, but they can also be used for solving economic difficulties and sustaining progress, including the development of the state. Social Pacts Policy is useful for a weak state and interest groups, which as a result of it can have an influence on public policy. Although, its application is not a facile process of agreement between the state and the social partners, it can have various forms and can include different goals of social and economic policies. Similarly, the range, institutionalisation and length of social pacts are not the same in all countries. Moreover, as the article indicates it refers to the economic, cultural and social circumstances, which can also cause the disappearance of the social pacts mechanism.
EN
The reviewed book presents the process of developing and shaping the legal foundations of the functioning of the institution of social dialogue in Poland after 1989. The author discusses the evolution of the trilateral commissions. This process took place in the light of social and economic transformations powering its course. The essence of social dialogue is presented, with particular attention being paid to its situating in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. The book explains the significance and points to the position of the institution of social dialogue in the economic system and the system of the state.
13
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Sectoral Interest Groups

80%
EN
In this article the issue of sectoral interest groups in contemporary Poland is examined. Public restructuring programmes significantly contributed to development of tripartite sectoral social dialogue. Evolution of that type of social dialogue provides a dramatic illustration of how the mechanisms of group interests conflict shaped the course of industrial restructuring. Experiences accumulated over the years of conducting sectoral social dialogue may now serve as a benchmark for regional modernization initiatives.
EN
The aim of the paper is to provide an analysis of the European Union's commitments towards social partners resulting from Article 152 of the TFEU. We are witnessing a serious assault on the regulations stated in Article 152 TFEU. Firstly, the EU violates the autonomy of the social partners through country specific recommendations addressed to the Southern countries, in which it expects the member states to breach the autonomy of the national partners by arbitrarily changing the rules of collective bargaining. Secondly, the EU does not provide sufficient support to the social partners in their efforts to create a social dialogue framework in those countries where, for historical reasons, the dialogue mechanisms have not emerged. A holistic reading of Article 152 of the Treaty constitutes a basis for action on the part of the European Commission which should not only be limited to supporting social partners at the European level but also extended to enhancing capacity of trade unions operating at the national level.
EN
The paper attempts to prove that the current, widespread crisis in social dialogue is only one of many features of the overall crisis of democratic structures, mechanisms and procedures visible in the countries of various democratic traditions and culture. The author claims that the overall crisis has been, on the one hand, produced by the supremacy of market mechanisms (which is the most significant effect of the 'third capitalist globalisation), but, on the other hand, may be seen as a result of numerous residuals of the former communist globalisation and their antidemocratic influence still present in the post-communist countries.
EN
This article presents the results of the work of the Tripartite Commission for Socio-Economic Affairs (TC) in 2001–2015. To show the effectiveness of the TC’s work, the author’s adaptation of the associational participation scale (Tálos, Kittel 2001) was employed. The result was categorisation of the effects achieved by the TC within social dialogue and a periodisation of the TC’s activity in the research period, which quantitatively confirmed the results reported by other researchers. The article concludes with a discussion about the potential use of results in order to formulate expectations about the future effectiveness of the new tripartite body in Poland (the Social Dialogue Council) and elaborate a framework for comparing the effectiveness of tripartite bodies worldwide.
EN
The paper examines the issue of relevancy of social pacts in the shape that has developed in the Western Europe to a specific environment of Central and Eastern Europe. Firstly, experiences of western European countries with social pacting are summarised ('the western recipe'), with a particular emphasis put on significant similarities observable between the western European countries that managed to sign social pacts. Secondly, attempts undertaken in Central and Eastern Europe in tripartite negotiations aiming at concluding social pacts are reviewed. Finally, an arguably main difference between old and new member states in the context of social dialogue is discussed, that is multiemployer collective bargaining, which while retaining relatively strong position in the west, plays marginal role in the east.
18
70%
EN
In Poland, both corporate and civil society partners are engaged in many types of dialogue on public issues (public policies of the state). Those types largely correspond to the models of dialogue held in Western Europe. The author puts forward a claim that development of dialogue in Poland is hampered not by structural (legal and organisational) arrangements, but by its low level of advancement, at least in some dimensions. Its intensity is reduced by small amount of expertise circulating within its mechanisms, by imperfect methods of argument presentation, low level of mutual persuasion (confrontation) or limited access of social partners to participation in decision-making in the state (due to statist model of the state functioning). The application of dialogue mechanisms in public policies in Poland remains limited due to numerous barriers stemming from a variety of sources. They result from the way of functioning of some social life structures (statism and clientism) and political life institutions (strong politicisation), as well as from long term cultural factors (lack of the dialogue culture in the past).
EN
This article deals with the issue of civil activeness in a system of free market democracy. Participation in social and civil dialogue is a sign of citizens’ engagement and is considered here in the context of Jürgen Habermas’s theory of communicative action. The manifestations and consequences of the extant institutional arrangements are shown, as are the means of describing and explaining them in the Polish socio-political and economic context. The reflections presented here illustrate the weakness of the existing measures. Both the institutional structure and the theoretical tools used in Poland are imitative in nature and do not fulfil the practical expectations of either participants or researchers of civil dialogue.
EN
A unified concept of the EU citizenship does not guarantee similar social and economic rights to the nationals of the Member States of the European Union. Inthe autor’s opinion, it is necessary to build a common “platform” of rights in order to safeguard, at the EU level, observance by the Member States of employment and social rights of the persons employed within the common market. Because of the diverging interests among Members States, the social dialogue itself does not guarantee uniform protection of employees’ rights considered fundamental human rights. It is necessary that the European Union and all EU Member States ratify the treaty of the Council of Europe – the Revised European Social Charter of 1996.
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