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PL
This paper describes a sound change involving the lateral system in Oslo Norwegian from ca. 1880 till today. From an early (c. 1880) system comprised of mainly one dental (or alveolar) /l/ in all positions (except for an occasional retroflex [ɭ] for the assimilated cluster [rl]), the retroflex [ɭ] allophone spread during the 20th century to all phonological contexts except following an [a(:)] or [o(:)] in a stressed syllable. Jahr (1975, 1988) claimed that this situation would probably prevail, and the sound change would not be completed and yield a simpler system, because of the attitude of Oslo speakers towards a low-status dialect feature associated with an area southeast of the capital. However, around the turn of the millennium, the development towards a simple one /l/ allophone system nevertheless continued, and children throughout the city started using the retroflex [ɭ] also after [a(:)] and [o(:)]. The last leg of this very long development could be completed, the author claims, because a large region around the capital in the last 50 years has aquired an oral variety based in the capital, but the speakers of this region did not have the negative attitude of the Oslo speakers towards the low-status dialect southeast of Oslo (the Østfold dialect). Therefore, the ‘new’ speakers of the mainly Oslo dialect, from the region around the capital, did not copy the ‘strange’ Oslo exception of the lateral system after the vowels [a(:)] and [o(:)], and this over the years came to have decisive impact also on the speech of young speakers from Oslo itself.
2
92%
Lingua Posnaniensis
|
2010
|
vol. 52
|
issue 1
55-65
EN
Until now, irregular sound change due to frequency has been considered as something sporadic, affecting only the vocabulary, whereas, according to the present writer, irregular sound change due to frequency, which concerns also reductions in morphemes, especially in inflectional ones (which are even more frequently used than words), is the third essential factor of linguistic evolution, in addition to regular sound change and analogical development. There is a synchronic law according to which the linguistic elements which are more often used are smaller than those which are less often used. There is a kind of balance between the size of linguistic elements and their frequency. But if a linguistic element (morpheme, word or group of words) becomes too long in relation to its frequency, it must be shortened.
EN
The paper presents a diachronic analysis of Polish miód ‘honey’, English mead and German Met ‘mead’ conducted according to a new approach to contrastive studies.Taking into account potential cognates in other languages, the work aims to investigate the evolution of the common ancestor word *medh-u- in two lines of development: the Slavic leading to modern Polish, and the Germanic leading to modern English and High German. In order to understand these branching paths, the pertinent sound changes have been identified, which transformed the common proto-form. These developments are illustrated with further examples and, in the summary, ordered chronologically. The paper also discusses an old compound *medvědь (Polish niedźwiedź), which can be considered a taboo designation for a bear, and contains also the root *medъ ‘honey’.
EN
Recent research on speech perception and word recognition has shown that fine-grained sub-phonemic as well as speaker- and episode-specific characteristics of a speech signal are integrally connected with segmental (phonemic) information; they are all most probably processed in a non-distinct manner, and stored in the lexical memory. This view contrasts with the traditional approach holding that we operate on abstract phonemic representations extracted from a particular acoustic signal, without the need to process and store the multitude of its individual features. In the paper, I want to show that this turn towards the "particulars" of a speech event was in fact quite predictable, and the so-called traditional view would most probably have never been formulated if studies on language variation and language change-in-progress had been taken into account when constructing models of speech perception. In part one, I discuss briefly the traditional view ("abstract representations only"), its theoretical background, and outline some problems, internal to the speech perception theory, that the traditional view encounters. Part two will demonstrate that what we know about the implementation of sound changes has long made it possible to answer, once and for all, the question of integrated processing and storage of extralinguistic, phonemic and subphonemic characteristics of the speech signal.
EN
We present the results of an acoustic study showing that the Polish sibilant system is undergoing changes in the speech of young university-educated women. The results based on the acoustic analysis of 16 speakers’ pronunciation, reveal that the new variants of alveolo-palatals are characterised by spectral peaks at higher frequencies and higher centre of gravity values than their Standard Polish counterparts. In addition, spectral moments, spectral slopes and the formants of preceding vowels differentiate the new variants from Standard Polish alveolo-palatals. We provide the rationale for the development of the new variants by referring to (i) a functional approach involving contrast optimisation in the sibilant system, (ii) a sociolinguistic approach that makes use of a sound-symbolic association between energy concentration in higher frequency regions and smallness and (iii) a speech disorder.
EN
Although suppletion has attracted increasing attention in recent years, there is still no accepted dividing line between suppletion and other types of morphological irregularity. It is argued that even explicitly ahistorical treatments have been biased by diachrony, so that forms which are known to have developed from regular paradigms, e.g. Ancient Greek heîs ‘one’ ~ fem. mía or English think ~ thought, tend to be treated as less “truly” suppletive than those which have no known common source. Such cases are not only to be classified as suppletive on formal grounds, but deserve closer attention than they have heretofore received from historical linguists. Given the widespread view that morphological analogy acts to regularize paradigms which have become opaque as a result of phonological changes, suppletion of this sort may be viewed as the logical end point of sound change acting over significant time depths. Any diachronic typology of suppletion must thereforedi stinguish between paradigms composed of historically unrelated stems, and those whose stems have diverged through the cumulative effects of phonological change. With their long written records, Indo-European languages furnish numerous examples of the latter type.
EN
Maltese is a peripheral dialect of Arabic heavily influenced by Sicilian and Italian (see e.g. Krier 1976). Maltese is believed by some to be an offshoot of Sicilian Arabic, but this is subject to debate in the literature (see Isserlin 1977; Brincat 1995; Agius 1996; La Rosa 2014; Avram forthcoming). A characteristic of Maltese phonology is the devoicing of obstruents in word-final position (Cohen 1966; Borg 1975, 1997b). The present paper looks into the possible origins of this phonological rule, i.e. whether it may have been inherited from Sicilian Arabic, whether it is the outcome of an internal development or whether it is a change triggered by contact with Sicilian and Italian. The evidence examined includes transcriptions of personal names and place-names in Greek and Latin documents (see e.g. Cusa 1868; Caracausi 1983; Avram 2012, 2016, forthcoming), the earliest texts in Maltese, and early Arabic loanwords in Sicilian (De Gregorio & Seybold 1903). Also discussed are insights provided by research on language contacts (see e.g. Thomason & Kaufman 1988) and on second language phonology (see e.g. Flege & Davidian 1984; Fullana & Mora 2009). It is suggested that, as in other peripheral dialects of Arabic, word-final obstruent devoicing in Maltese is a contact-induced change.
EN
Bishop A. Canova made an attempt to make his text accessible not only to the Catholics in Bulgaria; it includes also the consonants v, f and h, typically missing in the dialect of the Catholics. And yet the appearance of the new vocal i (replacing the accented è), typical of the Catholics, is limited (to 11 words/16 forms): cetìmi ‘четèмe/we are reading’; lizzito ‘лицèто/the face’; nimasce ‘нямаше/there was not’, obricese ‘oбрече се/he promised’, porimnuvam ‘поревнувам/I like’, rastiti ‘растèте/you are growing’, sledini ‘следèне/following’, smilat ‘смèлят/they are trampling’, tij ‘това/that’, viki ‘веки/already’, zovise ‘зовè се/they call it’. The appearance of the vowel е in place of a vocal a in the adverb delèc ‘далèко/far’ and in the adjective delecni ‘далечни/distant’ is also noteworthy. Of equal importance is the dialect form se, which appears in the place of the literary sa ([Cyr. ca] ‘(they) are’. All these phonetic features are indisputable evidence that the studied text is built mainly on the basis of the dialect spoken by the Catholics.
RU
Епископ А. Канова се е старал текстът му да е достъпен, разбираем не само за католиците в България – в него се явяват и консонантите в, ф и х, които липсват в диалекта на католиците. А ограничена (в 11 думи/16 форми) е появата на характерния за диалекта на католиците нов вокал ì на мястото на акцентирано è. За отбелязване е и появата на вокала е на мястото на а в наречието delèc ‘далеко’ и в прилагателното delecni ‘далечни’, както и на диалектната форма sе на мястото на книжовната sa ‘са’ (за 3 л. мн. ч., сег. вр.) на спомагат. глагол съм. Всички тези фонетични особености са безспорно свидетелство за това, че изследваният текст е изграден в основни линии върху диалекта на католиците.
10
58%
DE
Die Lotka-Volterra-Rechte beziehen sich auf biologische Fakten, einschließlich chaotischer Systeme. Somit können sie auch in Bezug auf Lautwandel angewendet werden, der durch mehrere artikulatorische (analoge) und auditive (digitale) Parameter beeinflusst wird; daher ist Lautwandel nur bedingt vorhersehbar und kann sogar als chaotisch erscheinen. Derselbe Mangel ist in Hinsicht auf viele menschliche Aktivitäten bemerkbar: von Zivilisationen, Geschichte und Ökonomie bis Politik.
EN
The Lotka Volterra Laws, apply to biological facts including chaotic systems. As such they also apply to sound change which is influenced by several articulatory (analogue) and auditory (digital) parameters; therefore sound change is predictable only to a very limited extent and can even seem chaotic. The same shortcoming is apparent in many human activities ranging from civilizations, history and economics to politics.
PL
Prawa Lotki-Volterry stosuje się do faktów biologicznych obejmujących systemy chaotyczne. W związku z tym odnoszą się one również do zmian fonetycznych, na które wpływa wiele parametrów artykulacyjnych (analogowych) i audytywnych (cyfrowych); dlatego też zmiany fonetyczne są przewidywalne jedynie w bardzo ograniczonym stopniu i mogą nawet wydawać się chaotyczne. Takie same problemy dotyczą wielu obszarów aktywności człowieka, zaczynając od cywilizacji, historii i ekonomii, a kończąc na polityce.
EN
The article presents the results of the phonemic-graphemic analysis of the German dispositions upon death drawn up by spouses from the first half of the 14th century, which come from the town council of Zgorzelec (Görlitz). The dispositions constitute a part of the first liber civitatis of Zgorzelec (Görlitz). The aim of the paper is to answer the question how far the script fixes the features of the spoken language. Due to the analysis it could be unambiguously proved, the German used in the text corresponds to the level of development of the German language within the periodization of history of the language as it contains the standard Early New High German features as well as the dialectal structures and the sound changes, which are characteristic for the Silesian dialect. The text can therefore be classified as one of the linguistic monuments of the East Central German of Silesian tradition. All the results of the exploration are supported with the appropriate examples.
EN
The aim of this paper is to suggest an analysis of one controversial Slavico-Germanic group of cognates represented by Polish wabić and English weep. The analysis presents the diachronic perspective of both the semantic and the phonological development in two descend-ing lines: the Germanic, leading to modern English; and the Slavic, leading to modern Polish. Even though, according to the Oxford Eng-lish Dictionary, “outside Teutonic no certain cognates are known” (of E weep), the connection between the Germanic *wōpjan and the Slav-ic *vabiti is much closer than appears prima facie. The phonological difference between them can be explained in terms of regular sound changes. Moreover, the Gothic cognate wopjan has a remarkably simi-lar, if not the same, meaning as in Old Polish and in some of the mod-ern senses of wabić. Consequently, having analysed the relevant ma-terial in Old Church Slavonic, Gothic, Old Polish and Old English, it is argued that P wabić and E weep are cognate and an attempt is made at explaining which semantic and phonological changes are responsi-ble for their differentiation.
FR
L’objectif du présent article est de proposer une analyse d’un groupe slavo-germanique des mots apparentés controversé, représenté par wabić polonais et weep anglais. L’analyse présente une approche diachronique envers le développement sémantique et phonologique des deux lignées : slave, menant au polonais contemporain, et germanique, menant à l’anglais contemporain. Bien que, selon Oxford English Dictionary « en dehors du groupe germanique [il n’y ait] pas de mots apparentés [de l’anglais weep] », la liaison entre *wōpjan proto-germanique et *vabiti proto-slave est plus étroite qu’il ne semble à première vue. Les différences entre les structures sonores peuvent être expliquées par les changements phonétiques réguliers. De plus, wopjan gotique a une signification très proche de wabić en vieux polonais. Suite à des études comprenant le vieux-slave liturgique, le vieux polonais, le gotique et l’ancien anglais, la thèse sur la parenté entre wabić polonais et weep anglais est confirmée. L’article propose aussi une explication des changements phonétiques et sémantiques qui ont influencé leur divergence.
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest zaproponowanie analizy dla jednej kontrowersyjnej słowiańsko-germańskiej grupy wyrazów pokrewnych, reprezentowanej przez pol. wabić i ang. weep. Analiza ta przedstawia diachroniczną perspektywę zarówno semantycznego, jak i fonologicz-nego rozwoju dwóch ścieżek: słowiańskiej, wiodącej do współczesnej polszczyzny, oraz germańskiej, prowadzącej do współczesnej angielsz-czyzny. Mimo że według słownika Oxford English Dictionary, “poza gru-pą germańską, nie są znane żadne pewne wyrazy pokrewne (dla ang. weep)”, związek między pgerm. *wōpjan i psł. *vabiti jest bliższy niż to się z początku wydaje. Różnice w strukturze dźwiękowej można wyja-śnić w kategoriach regularnych zmian dźwiękowych. W dodatku goc. wopjan ma zaskakująco zbliżone znaczenie do stpol. wabić. W rezulta-cie badań uwzględniających materiał staro-cerkiewno-słowiański, staropolski, gocki oraz staroangielski, poparta zostaje teza o pokre-wieństwie pol. wabić i ang. weep oraz podjęta zostaje próba wyjaśnie-nia zmian fonetycznych oraz semantycznych, które wpłynęły na ich zróżnicowanie.
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