Search results

1

Sovereign external debt and private sector entry in international financial markets.

100%

Brzozowski M., Siwińska-Gorzelak J.

Economics and Business Review

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2018

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vol. 4(18)

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issue 2

24-40

EN

The aim of this paper is to shed light on the public and private sector interdependencies in the international financial market. Using annual data on sovereign and private sector external indebtedness for 95 emerging and developing countries in the 1970-2012 period it looks at the relationship between the level and structure of public external debt and the likelihood of private sector entry in international bond and loan markets. The private sector entry in the offshore loans and bonds markets is shown to be conditional on the amount of public sector external debt. The relationship is complex but in general the saturation of the financial market with external government liabilities renders the private sector entry into the bonds’ market more difficult.

2

Funkcja kreacyjna obydwu izb Parlamentu RP jako przedstawiciela narodu

89%

Stadniczeńko S. L.

Opolskie Studia Administracyjno-Prawne

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2016

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vol. 14

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issue 3

131-146

EN

The author undertakes to establish the legal title to performing the creative function by the two chambers of Polish Parliament as a representative of the nation. The article describes the competence of the Sejm and the Senate as the constitutional authorities of the State that perform the creative function. The creative function of the Parliament may be considered as a result of the activities of this institution for other institutions as well as the functioning of the whole system. Voters’ crisis of confidence in the both chambers of Polish Parliament may also be understood as a crisis of its functions.

3

WSTĘP DO GENEZY WCZESNOPIASTOWSKICH GRUP DYSPOZYCYJNYCH REALIZUJĄCYCH ZADANIA W ZAKRESIE OCHRONY OSÓB. SZKIC ZAGADNIENIA

88%

Pajorski P.

Kultura Bezpieczeństwa. Nauka – Praktyka – Refleksje

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2012

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vol. 11(11)

32-38

EN

This paper presents the development of disposable groups in Poland under the first Piast. Because of social position some individuals were exposed to attacks from their opponents inside the tribe as well as members of other tribes. This resulted in the establishment of a group of “officers” to serve as bodyguards. As time passeds, slow specialization began and disposable groups are created.

4

Udział organów jednostek samorządu terytorialnego w kampanii referendalnej przed referendum w sprawie ich odwołania, możliwości podejmowania przez nie działań w tej kampanii oraz ich finansowania

75%

Gąsior T.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2022

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issue 4(171)

33-56

EN

Each democratic state is founded on the principle of national sovereignty. This is the basic political system concept, which is a consequence of treating the population as the administrator of power. Today, as a rule, it is the sovereign that exercises the power through its elected representatives. With regard to indirect democracy, however, direct democracy is considered equally important. The classic – even primary – most popular form of it is the referendum. This article is devoted to a specific type of referendum, i.e. on the dismissal of bodies of local government units (to which many features can be attributed that make it more a form of election than referendum as such), and more precisely to the possibility for bodies of local government units to take measures in the campaign before this type of referendum. Doubts and problematic issues in this respect were indicated. The discrepancies formulated in the doctrine were referred to. The inequalities that may result from the current legal regulations associated with this issue were highlighted. De lege ferenda conclusions were also formulated.

5

Sprawiedliwość a władca w pismach filozoficznych Seneki

63%

Budzanowska D.

Vox Patrum

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2000

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vol. 38

553-560

EN

Justice is one of the most important features in the government of the State. The Roman philosopher and politician Seneca wrote much about it. Seneca wanted the sovereigns to be philosophers as it was in the old days, the golden age. Good laws were always created by wise men like Solon or Licurg. It is the love of virtue that forms righteous men and helps them to deal with changing fortune. Pride and terror do not assure the power of the rulers in the future. Many bad sovereigns like Dionysius of the Syracuse, Alexander the Great, Pompey or Caesar, who brought many disasters on people, had themselves experienced the fatal results of power. Somebody's ill luck will never bring happiness to anyone.

6

Suwerenność w ujęciu pedagogicznym. Refleksyjna problematyzacja

63%

Skubisz J.

Civitas Hominibus. Rocznik filozoficzno-społeczny

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2021

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vol. 16

19-32

EN

A pedagogical discourse on pedagogical sovereignty in the de facto problematic sense does not exist. The discourse on pedagogical sovereignty is largely based on the intuitive-partial reintegration and reinterpretation of knowledge established within various scientific disciplines, in particular: philosophy, history, psychology, sociology, political science and law. This applies to the definition and examination of various types of subjects of interest, including pedagogy itself, i.e. identity, authority, autonomy, individualism, reason, knowledge of various kinds (including virtual knowledge), responsibility, security and, above all, the features of power in terms of its sovereignty In this context, it seems that one should only look for what Dietrich Benner describes as the "basic structure of pedagogical thinking and action" and the specificity of the interdisciplinary status of the very question of pedagogical proprium of sovereignty in general. This article is therefore an attempt to conceptualize knowledge about the really existing abstract idea of pedagogical sovereignty.

PL

Dyskurs pedagogiczny o suwerenności pedagogicznej w sensie problemowym de facto - nie istnieje, a w zdecydowanej mierze opiera się na intuicyjno-cząstkowej reintegracji oraz reinterpretacji wiedzy konstatowanej w ramach różnych dyscyplin naukowych w szczególności: filozofii, historii, psychologii, socjologii, nauki o polityce i prawa. Dotyczy to definiowania i badania różnego rodzaju przedmiotów zainteresowania także i samej pedagogiki, tj. m.in. tożsamości, autorytetu, autonomii, indywidualizmu, rozumu, wiedzy różnego rodzaju (w tym i wiedzy wirtualnej), odpowiedzialności, bezpieczeństwa oraz przede wszystkim cechy władzy w zakresie jej suwerenności. W tak reorganizowanej - reintegrowanej i reinterpretowanej - optyce przedmiotu zainteresowania suwerennością przez pedagogikę, a więc wiedzą na temat teoretycznej i praktycznej suwerenności pedagogicznej, jak się wydaje, należy dopiero poszukiwać tego, co Dietrich Benner określa mianem „podstawowej struktury myślenia i działania pedagogicznego” oraz swoistości interdyscyplinarnego statusu samego pytania o kwestię pedagogicznego proprium suwerenności w ogóle. Niniejsza publikacja jest zatem próbą poszukiwania konceptualizacji wiedzy na temat abstrakcyjnej idei suwerenności pedagogicznej, która przecież realnie istnieje.

7

Władza i rodowód. O wizerunku władcy w staroserbskiej literaturze

55%

Lis-Wielgosz I.

Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne

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2013

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issue 5

EN

The article refers to a problem of relationship between authority and genealogy, and to their specific functioning in the Old Serbian literature, that is in other words, in the hagiographical, historiographical, and hymnic texts. In all those works, the combination of the both ideas undoubtedly serves the ideological creation, regarding the image of sovereign together with the exposition of his extra-ordinary lineage and destiny which are tied to his place and role in the space of history, politics, religion, and culture. In the literature, this peculiar relationship is expressed by the two characteristic constructions of dynasty and genealogy. With regard to this representation, the dynastic construction is based on the model of biblical motif concerning Jesse’s stem and functions as the saint osier of the family of Nemanjić. As for the second construction, of genealogy, it reveals itself as a component of the classical myth of historiography that determines the beginnings namely, the Serbian sovereign’s mythical genesis that also concerns all his charismatic, saint family.

8

Czy suweren prowadzi politykę? Przywództwo państwowe wobec suwerenności

51%

Danek A.

Horyzonty Polityki

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2016

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vol. 7

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issue 18

107-123

EN

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The aim of the article below is an examination of the discrepancy between notions of sovereignty and a sovereign in a modern state, revealed by the question of statecraft (state leadership). THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The consequent research problem is to determine who indeed decides on state policy. The research problem refers to the sphere of policy making as a practical implementation of the reason of a state’s imperatives. The author uses the descriptive and analyticalmethods, carrying out a critical comparative overview of theories and research findings presented in the current source literature. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: At the beginning the authordefines policy making and exposes its relation to the notions of sovereignty and ration of state. In the next step he identifies actors who decide on policy making. He underlines the key role of a “political disposition core” – a small group of leaders placed at the head of public institutions. He then considers the conditionsof effective planning and making of policy. He indicates the inconsistency between the decisive role of a “political disposition core” and official status of a constitutional sovereign. He finally shows the fictitious character of a people as a sovereign. RESEARCH RESULTS: The author concludes that a traditionally comprehended sovereign is neither the source nor an implementer of state sovereignty because it is not a subject capable of policy making. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATION AND RECOMMENDATIONS:The author finally recommends either a redefinition of the traditional notion of the sovereign, based on a theoretical proposition given by Carl Schmitt, or else its renunciation and invention of a new category, designating a subject which implements state sovereignty, to be used in the vocabulary of political science.

PL

Cel naukowy: Celem poniższego artykułu jest zbadanie rozbieżności pomiędzy pojęciami suwerenności i suwerena w nowoczesnym państwie, uwidocznionych przez zagadnienie przywództwa państwowego. Problem i metody badawcze: Wynikającym z powyższego problemem badawczym jest ustalenie, kto w istocie rozstrzyga o polityce państwa. Problem badawczy dotyczy więc sfery prowadzenia polityki jako praktycznej realizacji nakazów racji stanu. Autor posługuje się metodą opisowo-analityczną, dokonując krytycznego przeglądu porównawczego ujęć i ustaleń pojawiających się w dotychczasowej literaturze przedmiotu. Proces wywodu: Na początku autor definiuje prowadzenie polityki i odsłania jego związek z pojęciami suwerenności i racji stanu. W dalszej kolejności identyfikuje podmioty, które decydują o prowadzeniu polityki. Podkreśla kluczową rolę „ośrodka dyspozycji politycznej” – wąskiego zespołu przywódców uplasowanych w czołowych instytucjach państwowych. Następnie rozważa warunki skutecznego planowania i prowadzenia polityki. Wskazuje na sprzeczność między decyzyjną rolą „ośrodka dyspozycji politycznej” a oficjalnym statusem konstytucyjnego suwerena. Na koniec ukazuje fikcyjny charakter ludu jako suwerena. Wyniki analizy naukowej: W wyniku przeprowadzonej analizy autor dochodzi do wniosku, iż tradycyjnie pojmowany suweren nie jest ani źródłem, ani realizatorem suwerenności państwowej, ponieważ nie jest podmiotem zdolnym do prowadzenia polityki . Wnioski, innowacje, rekomendacje: W zakończeniu autor postuluje redefinicję tradycyjnego pojęcia suwerena w oparciu o propozycję teoretyczną autorstwa Carla Schmitta bądź zarzucenie tego pojęcia i wprowadzenie nowej kategorii określającej podmiot wykonujący suwerenność państwa na użytek terminologii nauk politycznych.

9

Napięcie między świeckością i sakralnością w wizji władcy w "De vita Constantini" Euzebiusza z Cezarei

51%

Królikowski J.

Vox Patrum

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2002

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vol. 42

151-160

IT

Nella "De vita Constantini" Eusebio di Cesarea ha realizzato una grande sistematizzazione degli elementi cristiani e pagani riguardanti la visione dell'imperatore e dell'impero, dalla quale - in conseguenza - e sorta la prima visione teologica dell'imperatore cristiano. Una caratteristica specifica di questa visione consiste nella sacralizzazione dell'imperatore e del suo ufficio. Essa non e del tutto univoca poiche si confronta continuamente con la sua mondanita ma - in fin dei conti - il suo elemento dominante e determinante diventa la sacralita. Le sue fonti si trovano sia nella dottrina cristiana che in quella pagana. Eusebio non e riuscito di evitare l'ideologizzazione nella sua impostazione poiche ha trascurato in questa questione - nonostante fosse un grande esegeta - la sensibilita esegetica. La visione di Eusebio dovrebbe essere l'oggetto delle ulteriori ricerche e delle purificazioni poiche continuamente rimane il punto di riferimento del cristianesimo orientale nella sua teologia politica. In ogni caso Eusebio continua ad essere il primo teologo politico del cristianesimo.

10

Separation of Powers, Checks and Balances, and the Limits of Popular Sovereignty: Rethinking the Polish Experience

45%

Piotrowski R.

Studia Iuridica

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2019

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vol. 79

78-91

EN

The principle of checks and balances counts among the most fundamental constitutional values, as it is connected with the recognition and guaranteeing of human rights – in other words is the very essence of the Constitution, an act that limits the majority rule to allow for the rights and freedoms of the individual. Also of key importance is the connection of this precept with the essence of the democratic system, understood as one where the majority rule is constrained by human rights. The principle of checks and balances could function in full only in correspondence with culture of respect for human rights. The status of the sovereign needs legitimacy, which derives from the sovereign’s subordination to the Constitution. Being sovereign means being unsubordinated to anybody. It is thus fair to conclude that the attribute of sovereignty actually belongs to the values that have been shaped by culture and linked to the timeless moral rules and principles corresponding to humanity’s eternal dilemmas – the values that create the constitutional culture, i.e. a community’s set of values. The sovereign does not exercise the supreme authority over values, and the values are embodied in the Constitution, which is inseparably linked with the people and their sovereignty. The Constitution of the Republic of Poland reflects the precepts of liberal democracy, or such kind of democracy where the sources of human rights do not stem from the will of the majority. The model of governance adopted in the Constitution could be described as consensual democracy. Constitutional practice has taken a course where the system of consensual democracy – as laid down in the Constitution of Poland, with the power of the majority being constrained by rights of the minority – is turning into a system of a majority democracy, based not on a dialogue between the majority and the opposition, but on the power of a parliamentary majority who disregards the systemic role of the opposition.

11

About the terms concerning the ruler and the state in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the epoch of Mindaugas` reign

38%

Ryier Y.

Wschodni Rocznik Humanistyczny

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2020

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vol. XVII (2020)

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issue 3: Dwór w Rzeczypospolitej i państwach ościennych, pod red. Artura Goszczyńskiego i A. Selina

31-44

EN

The article deals with the terminology that can characterize the image of the ruler and the state in the epoch of Mindaugas` reign. The controversial character of the problem is pointed out. The necessity of the complex methodological approach to the investigation is highlighted. The terms found in the narrative sources relating Mindaugas and his state are analyzed. The synthesis of traditions of the ideas of the power and of the state as well as their unfixed character in the early Grand Duchy of Lithuania is shown

RU

Статья посвящена терминологии, характеризующей представления о правителе и государстве в период правления Миндовга. Указывается дискуссионный характер проблемы. Подчеркивается необходимость комплексного методологического подхода к изучению вопроса. Анализируются понятия, используемые в нарративных источниках в отношении Миндовга и его государства. Показывается синтез представлений о власти и государстве и неоформленный характер терминов, используемых в отношении монарха в раннем Великом Княжестве Литовском.

PL

Artykuł poświęcono problemom terminologii, stosowanej dla określenia władcy i państwa w okresie rządów Mendoga. Podkreśla się w nim złożoność problemu oraz potrzebę interdyscyplinarnych badań nad nim. Przeanalizowana została terminologia, występująca w źródłach narracyjnych dla określenia Mendoga i jego państwa. Przeprowadzono także syntezę sformułowań odnoszący się do władzy i państwa oraz ukazano luki w terminologii wykorzystywanej dla charakterystyki monarchy w Wielkim Księstwie Litewskim na początkowym etapie jego istnienia.

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