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EN
The article concerns the policy of communistic authorities towards the private trade sector in the Lublin region between 1944 and 1954 (the policy was analogous in entire Poland), especially during so-called “the battle for trade”, the aim of which was a definite termination of the class of traders. The sovietisation of trade in post-war Poland, more commonly known as “the battle for trade” was one of the most principal nationwide undertakings by the pro-Stalinist communistic regime of that time managing Poland and appointed by Joseph Stalin, the purpose of which was the general sovietisation of the Republic of Poland before the country could finally join the structure of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. The prelude to sovietisation in the Lublin region occurred at the turn of 1946 and 1947. The climax took place between 1947 and 1948 and the period of decadence between 1949 and 1951, although it can be accepted that actually “the battle for trade” was going on until 1989 that is, until the time of political transformation in Poland and the return to the free-market economy. During the period of “the battle for trade”, as the result of repressive policy of the communistic authorities towards traders, the private trade sector almost entirely disappeared. The total termination of trade resulted in the fact that people in cities and the countryside lacked sufficient supplies of basic foodstuffs and industrial articles. Badly managed nationalized trade sectors, state-owned and cooperatives, were unable to provide the country with proper food supplies. The communistic regime and its incompetent economical policy caused chaos but attempted to soothe it by delivering basic foodstuffs and introducing the system of food ration coupons temporarily, which became the characteristic means of food distribution in the period of the People’s Republic of Poland.
EN
The aim of this paper is to explore the issue of Polish communities in Central Asia. The first part of the article provides some basic historical and socio‑demographic characteristics of Poles and people of Polish descent in this region. Next, the author discusses the characteristics and living conditions in subsequent eras (deportation and war time, post‑war Stalinist period, Khrushchev’s and Brezhnev’s rule, perestroika). The final section examines the situation of Poles in the newly independent post‑Soviet states. Moreover, the author looks at the issue of ties between Poles and their motherland, particularly in the context of migration/repatriation to Poland.
EN
The “Big Three’s” (Roosevelt, Churchill, Stalin) Jalta, Crimea (February, 1945) Agreement, gave away Central and Eastern Europe to Stalin. Stalin promised free elections. For appearances’ sake, the law from 1939 was used. However, new standards form USSR were brought. Communists were supposed to implement them in Poland. Slowly, courts were dependent on the governing communist party. This process can be considered as completed in 1950. It was perpetuated in Constitution of the Polish People’s Republic from 1952. The courts’ main goal was to use repression, not to mete out justice. The Author shows it in the article.
PL
Umowa Wielkiej Trójki (Roosevelt, Churchill, Stalin) w Jałcie na Krymie (luty 1945) oddawała Europę Środkowo-Wschodnią Stalinowi. Stalin obiecał wolne wybory. Dla pozoru początkowo obowiązywało prawo polskie sprzed 1939 roku. Z komunistycznego Związku Socjalistycznych Republik Radzieckich przywieziono jednak zupełnie nowe wzorce. Komuniści musieli je wprowadzić w Polsce. Stopniowo sądy uzależniono od panującej partii komunistycznej. Proces ten można uznać za zakończony w 1950 r. Utrwalony został w konstytucji Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej z 1952 r. Zadaniem sądów było stosowanie represji, a nie wymierzanie sprawiedliwości. Autor pokazuje to w artykule.
EN
The article discusses the influence of the process of urbanization on the Belarusian nationality. Due to some historical conditions the Western cities-communes have not formed in Belarus. At the beginning of the New Ages the Belarusian city has had Magdeburgian law and the trading relations, it has been the centre of the political life, the residence of the State officials and the provinces. Through the social-economical backwardness of the Russian empire the peasants of Belarus could not move into the towns from the country. The towns and the cities in Belarus were not Belarusian but Jewish and Polish ones. Due to the World War II there have emerged the Polish Holocaust, repatriation and the Soviet industrialization which have made some auspicious conditions for the overtaking modernization in Belarus. During only one generation the peasant Belarusian nation has become the urban one. Such overtaking process of the urbanization has been preventing the formation of the standards and the traditions of the Belarusian city. The basis of the social and cultural life of Belarusians has been forming the traditions of the Soviet culture. That is why we can come to the conclusion that the overtaking modernization is closely related to the radical changes of the national identity. The more overtaking is modernization of the cities and the whole State, the more dangerous is the deprivation of the national peculiarity. The nation whose spiritual life is not utterly formed can hardly successfully adapt itself to the social and economical changes, which are determined by the overtaking modernization. These alterations do absolutely not correspond to its spiritual way of life.
LT
Šiame straipsnyje apmąstoma urbanizacijos proceso įtaka baltarusių tautiškumui. Dėl tam tikrų istorinių sąlygų Baltarusijoje nesusiformavo vakarietiško pobūdžio miestai-komunos. Naujųjų laikų pradžioje baltarusiškas miestas turėjo Magdeburgo teises ir prekybinius santykius, buvo politinio gyvenimo centras su valdininkijos rezidencija ir provincijomis. Dėl Rusijos imperijos socialinio-ekonominio atsilikimo Baltarusijos valstiečiai negalėjo iš kaimų persikelti gyventi į miestus. Pastarieji iki pat XX amžiaus pradžios buvo ne baltarusiški, bet žydiški arba lenkiški. Antrasis pasaulinis karas lėmė lenkų holokaustą, repatriaciją ir tarybinę industrializaciją, kuri sudarė palankias sąlygas sparčiai Baltarusijos urbanizacijai. Būtent dėl šio proceso labiausiai nukentėjo valstiečiai. Tereikėjo vienos kartos, kad valstietiška baltarusių tauta taptų miestiška. Toks spartus urbanizacijos procesas neleido susiformuoti baltarusiškojo miesto gyvenimui būdingoms normoms ir tradicijoms. Baltarusių socialinio ir kultūrinio gyvenimo pagrindą sudarė rusų sovietinės kultūros tradicijos. Taigi sparti modernizacija glaudžiai susijusi su radikaliomis tautinio tapatumo permainomis. Kuo sparčiau modernizuojami miestai ir visa valstybė, tuo didesnis pavojus prarasti tautinį savitumą. Tauta, kurios dvasinis gyvenimas dar nėra visiškai susiformavęs, vargu ar gali sėkmingai adaptuotis prie itin sparčios modernizacijos nulemtų socialinių ir ekonominių pokyčių, kurie visiškai neatitinka jos dvasinio gyvenimo būdo.
EN
The issues regarding PPR, its structure, people and political activity are well explored on the central level, and in some cases on the regional level as well. There have been no studies so far about PPR in Chojnice County in years 1945–1948, however. Thus, an author decided to fill this gap in by making a study on the basis of primary sources. The foundation for this task are two hypotheses. The first one is that political elites of PRR in Chojnice were part of the „enforced authorities” in the process of Poland sovietization. The second hypothesis, an auxiliary one, is that political phenomena resulting from PPR political activity in Chojnice County were analogical to those in then Poland as a whole in accordance to Marxism – Leninism ideology.
PL
Tematyka związana z PPR, jej struktura, ludzie i działalność polityczna jest dokładnie poznana, w odniesieniu do centralnych struktur partii, a w niektórych przypadkach również do struktur regionalnych. Jak dotąd jednak nie ma żadnych opublikowanych studiów nad PPR w powiecie chojnickim w latach 1945-1948. Stąd autor zdecydował się wypełnić tę lukę poznawczą poprzez studia nad materiałami źródłowymi. W stadium tym przyjęto dwie hipotezy. Pierwszą, stanowiącą przypuszczenie, że elity PPR w Chojnicach były elementem „narzuconej władzy” w procesie sowietyzacji Polski. Druga hipoteza, pomocnicza, stanowi przypuszczenie, że zjawiska polityczne, wynikające z działalności politycznej PPR na ziemi chojnickiej, były analogiczne do zjawisk zachodzących w całej Polsce, na szczeblu lokalnym, w wyniku budowania struktur i utożsamiania władzy państwowej z PPR zgodnie z ideologią marksizmu-leninizmu.
EN
The review article is devoted to the monograph "Sovietization of Volhynia 1944 - 1956", published this year, by Adam Rafał Kaczyński.In the text, I emphasize the main advantages of the monograph, while pointing out some source deficiencies and other polemical issues.The monograph in question is the first comprehensive approach to the researched issue in Polish and Ukrainian historiography.Therefore, it is worth signaling its publication to a wider group of interested researchers.
PL
Artykuł recenzyjny poświęcony został wydanej w bieżącym roku monografii "Sowietyzacja Wołynia 1944 - 1956", autorstwa Adama Rafała Kaczyńskiego. W tekście podkreślam główne zalety monografii, jednocześnie wskazując pewne braki źródłowe i inne kwestie o charakterze polemicznym. Przedmiotowa monografia jest pierwszym całosciowym ujęciem badanego zagadnienia w polskiej i ukraińskiej historiografii. Dlatego też, warto zasygnalizować jej opublikowanie szerszemu gronu zainteresowanych badaczy.
EN
In the latter half of 1941, over 100,000 Polish children lived in an area extending from Arkhangelsk to Nakhodka Bay; in the Altai Krai and the Soviet Socialist Republics of Central Asia. Among them there were a growing number of orphans in exile. There is no detailed information concerning the fate of these Polish orphans, who were placed into Soviet instructional and educational institutions, so-called “diet domy”. Most of the institutions taking in Polish children treated them as Soviet citizens but did not report this fact to any Polish institutions responsible for their care and wellbeing. Moreover, given their ‘Soviet’ status, the orphans had neither the right nor the occasion to contact the Polish embassy in Kujbiszew or any of its representatives. And for the younger children, their stay in these so-called “diet domy” usually resulted in instant Russification and Sovietisation. Irena Mrówczyńska’s account describes her childhood memories of pre-war Kowel, the children in exile in Siberia who were taken from summer camps in June 1941 and about post-war times in Jawor, a small town in Lower Silesia. Her story is exceptional because she grew up in exile. She was taken from school without her parents’ consent, put into the Soviet “diet dom” in Bojarka along with other children, before later being sent to the Polish Orphanage and Disabled People’s Home in Bolszoj Konstantinovce, where she spent 6 years. A twist of fate enabled her to contact the Polish embassy in Kujbiszew and report that there were other children in the Polish Orphanage and Disabled People’s Home that had also been “taken” from the summer camps in 1941. This account describes how traumatic the “kidnapping of children from the summer camps” was, resulting in the then 10-year-old girl being sent to the Soviet children’s home and the subsequent indoctrination of Sovietisation that thereafter influenced the rest of her life.
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