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EN
This article has two major objectives: to describe the structure of the student movement in Canada and the formal role of the students in higher education governance, and to describe and analyze the «Maple Spring», the dramatic mobilization of the students in opposition to proposed tuition fee increased in Quebec that eventually led to a provincial election and the fall of the government. Based on an analysis of the documents, news reports, and a small number of interviews with the student leaders, the author will analyze what became the largest student protest movement in Canadian history. We will begin by conceptualizing the student organizations as political pressure groups, and then reviewing the major structural characteristics of Canadian student organizations. We will then turn to the special case of the student protests in Quebec in 2012. University-level student organizations have considerable organizational capacity (stable membership, mandatory fees, paid staff) and can be viewed as institutionalized pressure groups working within university policy networks. There are also student pressure groups functioning at the provincial and federal levels of the authority. Then we will identify activity strategies of the students’ organizations, analyze their main functions, and describe the main categories of university clubs and organizations. At the end we will give a description of the «Maple Spring» – the debate over tuition in Quebec which is not simply about the level of user fees, but rather the issue is embedded in a much broader vision of the role of higher education, and the discourse used by the student movement is based on a set of social-democratic values that resonate with the collective imaginary of Quebec society. Building upon their organizational capacity (membership, resources, paid staff and official recognition), using innovative strategies to maintain media coverage and pressure on the provincial government, and benefiting from circumstantial factors as well as the unique political context of Quebec, the student organizations in the province engaged in a protest have been unique in Canadian history because of its length and size, the magnitude of media attention that it received (in Canada and internationally), and its impact on the Quebec government and the provincial higher education system.
EN
The article analyzes the Ukrainian narrative concerning the role of student protests in Ukraine in October 1990. The narrative in question competes with much more widespread knowledge about the actions undertaken by the so-called Rukh (People’s Movement of Ukraine, Narodnyi Rukh Ukrajiny) and its leaders as the nation strove for independence. The memory of the so-called the Revolution on Granite is passed on by the participants of those events. Thanks to the inclusive narrative, also moderated by the state, the alternative repre-sentation of the past and historiography has no potential to provoke a conflict of memory, being merely a different interpretative approach indulging in hypothetical scenarios of development of Ukrainian democracy had the key demands of the protesters been met (early elections in 1991).
Praktyka Teoretyczna
|
2015
|
vol. 18
|
issue 4
190-206
EN
This essay by Franco Piperno, an Italian communist militant, was originally published as an appendix to his book 68: L’anno che ritorna. From the perspective of his own experiences with the students’ protests and resistance during 1968, he looks at the contemporary crisis of the university and the transformation of higher education in Italy. The context of his deliberations are the ongoing reforms of Italian higher education, which are tightly connected to austerity measures that originated at the beginning of the 21st century. According to Piperno, the current crisis, similarly to the one from forty years ago, opens a possibility to reappropriate the university for students, as long as they can organize themselves.
PL
Niniejszy esej Franca Piperna, włoskiego działacza ruchu komunistycznego, ukazał się oryginalnie jako tekst zamykający książkę ’68: L’anno che ritorna. Autor podejmuje w nim kwestię współczesnego kryzysu uniwersytetu i przekształceń szkolnictwa wyższego we Włoszech przez pryzmat doświadczeń protestów i oporu studentów w 1968 roku. Kontekstem jego rozważań są kolejne reformy szkolnictwa wyższego towarzyszące polityce zaciskania pasa, które we Włoszech kontynuowano od początku XXI wieku. Jednak, zdaniem autora, podobnie jak czterdzieści lat temu, również dziś kryzys otwiera przed studentami i studentkami drogę do przebudowy uniwersytetu, jeśli tylko zdolni będą się zorganizować.
EN
The aim of the article is to present the genesis, progress and consequences of the so-called April–June Incidents of the 1989 in Beijing. The People’s Republic of China experienced serious internal crisis that year resulting in massive students demonstrations brutally suppressed by army. The crisis ended up with the political downfall of the China Communist Party’s General Secretary Zhao Ziyang replaced by Jiang Zemin who continued the so-called “policy of openness” and reforms on Deng Xiaoping’s terms.
PL
Celem artykułu jest zaprezentowanie genezy, przebiegu i konsekwencji tzw. wydarzeń kwietniowo-czerwcowych w Pekinie w 1989 r. W tym roku Chińska Republika Ludowa przeżywała poważny kryzys wewnętrzny, którego rezultat stanowiły masowe protesty studenckie brutalnie stłumione przez wojsko. Kryzys zakończył się politycznym upadkiem sekretarza generalnego Komunistycznej Partii Chin Zhao Ziyanga, zastąpionego przez Jiang Zemina, który kontynuował tzw. politykę otwarcia i reform zgodnie z zasadami sformułowanymi przez Deng Xiaopinga.
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