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EN
The paper is based on the observation of the process of reviving the forgotten culture of household economy, horticulture and livestock farming in disadvantaged rural areas and, through this, to develop a new service model for rural communities to strengthen the role of grassroots initiatives and enhancing the mechanisms of the co-operative model of local economy and democracy. Our research has shown that bottom-up models have several barriers to local governments in rural areas. The change in the political and governmental model of the last ten years has resulted in the restraint of local government autonomy and the vacancy of the role of local governments as public service providers. In this system, we can observe the strengthening of administrative dependence, the devaluation of the local elected political leadership (mayors) and the emergence of new rules of local power. In small settlements with less than 2,000 inhabitants, central state and political dependence intensified. Attempts to strengthen local communities have proved to be a major challenge in a highly centralised model of government. The present study gathers the factors that hinder the success of co-creative approaches in the local context and shows how the public service innovations organised by local governments are determined by the political and economic culture prevailing at the national level.
EN
They are essential elements of the emotional atmosphere of society whether or not people perceive inequalities, how much they can accept subordinate and super ordinate relationships, and if they perceive the harmony or disharmony of values and positions in these relationships. In addition to and in place of the tendency of system justification shown and analyzed in depth by social psychology, the experience of contra-selection has been firmly present in the public in Hungary since the change of the political system, in fact, it became even stronger after the sharp political turn in 2010. The main conscious reason of social dissatisfaction is the lack of social security. The research on national representative samples conducted in 2010–2011 revealed the main components of the most common conceptualization of democracy: of these, the components of the belief in democracy showed positive correlations with the critical attitude toward the assumption of contra-selection, and they manifested negative correlations with the tendency of system justification. The factor of the democracy-concept that divided public opinion the most was the demand for a strong state, which, on the other had, went together with system justification, optimism, and the cult of will. The “basic law of Easter”, which put the ideal of a strong state into a legal form, did not meet the dominant expectations of the public.
EN
This work introduces the readers to the System Justification Theory, which presents a new insight into the existing knowledge on intergroup relationships. While the System Justification Theory complements the already accepted theories such as the Social Identity Theory or the Social Dominance Theory, it also opposes and argues with them and proposes a research forcing us to think about intergroup relationships from a different point of view. The manuscript focuses at first on the definition of basic terms and the Theory’s hypotheses; then it explains psychological mechanisms of justification of “the unfair” system; discusses the position and inner conflicts of disadvantage groups; focuses on the preference of the non-member group and on stereotypes as one of the principal forms of rationalization of social position; and finally, it mentions the discussion with other theories.
CS
Studie seznamuje čtenáře s Teorií ospravedlňování systému (System Justification Theory), jakožto s teorií, která ukazuje jiný a v něčem nový pohled na dosavadní poznání meziskupinových vztahů. Teorie ospravedlňování systému sice navazuje na již zavedené a dobře přijímané teorie (jako je Teorie sociální identity či Teorie sociální dominance), zároveň se však vůči nim vymezuje, polemizuje s nimi a předkládá výzkumy, které nás nutí přemýšlet o meziskupinových vztazích poněkud odlišným prizmatem. Text se zaměřuje nejprve na vysvětlení základních pojmů a hypotéz, se kterými teorie pracuje; dále se zabývá vysvětlením psychologických mechanismů ospravedlňování „nespravedlivého“ systému; rozebírá postavení a vnitřní konflikty znevýhodněných skupin; věnuje se tématu preferování nečlenské skupiny; zabývá se stereotypy, jakožto jednou z hlavních forem racionalizace sociálního postavení; a konečně zmiňuje i diskusi s jinými teoriemi.
PL
Wybory samorządowe, które odbyły się w listopadzie 2014 roku, wywołały w Polsce spore kontrowersje. Artykuł jest próbą opisu tego, jak Polacy oceniali jakość funkcjonowania demokracji w kontekście wspomnianych wyborów i jakie uwarunkowania miały znaczenie w stworzeniu określonej oceny. Badane były trzy poziomy oceny demokracji: ogólnych przekonań (legitymizacja systemu Josta), aktualnego stanu demokracji (instytucje demokracji Dahla) oraz konkretnych wydarzeń związanych z funkcjonowaniem systemu demokratycznego (jakość przeprowadzonych wyborów i poziom zaufania do wybranych przedstawicieli władz). Sprawdzono także, w jakim stopniu wyróżnione poziomy oceny demokracji były wyjaśniane przez społeczno-polityczne uwarunkowania, takie jak ogólny poziom zaufania do ludzi, patriotyzm i nacjonalizm, doświadczenie bezpieczeństwa. Badania zostały przeprowadzone w krótkim czasie po drugiej turze wyborów na grupie 524 osób. Uzyskane wyniki wskazują na niską jakość demokracji (szczególnie na poziomie ogólnych przekonań i zaufania do nowo wybranych władz) oraz na zależności pomiędzy aspektami oceny a badanymi uwarunkowaniami.
EN
The local elections that were held in November 2014 stirred up considerable controversy in Poland. The article is an attempt to describe how Poles evaluated the overall functioning of democracy in the context of these elections and what determinants significantly contributed to that evaluation. We examined three levels of democracy evaluation: general beliefs (Jost’s system justification), the current state of democracy (Dahl’s democratic institutions), and specific events connected with the functioning of the democratic system (the quality of the elections and the level of trust in the elected representatives). We also tested the extent to which these levels of democracy evaluation were explained by sociopolitical determinants, such as the general level of trust in people, patriotism and nationalism, or the experience of security. The study was conducted shortly after the second round of the election on a sample of 524 subjects. The obtained results show a low quality of democracy (particularly on the level of general beliefs and trust in the newly elected authorities) and reveal associations between aspects of evaluation and the investigated determinants.
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