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Reforms in Poland – Opinions And Facts

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EN
In this paper we show that all attempts at major economic reforms introduced in Poland since the 1980s have incurred negative reactions on the part of large social groups (strikes, lack of support for the political forces which prepared and introduced reforms). We try to determine if such reactions are justified and whether there are serious arguments for them. We come to the conclusion that there were serious reasons for distrust and dislike of reforms. The main one involves the discrepancy between the declared goals and the assumed effects of reforms, and the actual effects felt by the public. Two issues will be presented: 1) to what extent are social feelings influenced by the demanding attitude of the public and its immaturity, which impede understanding of the need to reform the economy, 2) the inability of political elites to correctly formulate goals, identify the means of their implementation, and act effectively. The experience so far has made the political elites less and less interested in introducing serious reforms, which is manifested in the preference for a policy of providing basic utilities or relying on economic programs on the budgetary revenue generated by rising taxation.
PL
Muzeum Sztuki Współczesnej w Radomiu jest oddziałem Muzeum im. Jacka Malczewskiego w Radomiu. Posiada dużą kolekcję polskiej sztuki II połowy XX w., powiększającą się niemal wyłącznie dzięki darom. Zostało powołane w 1990 r., w okresie transformacji ustrojowej. Przejęło zgromadzone wcześniej w muzeum zbiory sztuki powstałej po II wojnie światowej (1797 dzieł), a także kolekcję działającej w Radomiu galerii BWA (265). Jako pierwsze w Polsce otrzymało nazwę muzeum sztuki współczesnej. Jego siedzibą są dwie barokowe kamieniczki przy radomskim Rynku: Dom Esterki i Dom Gąski. Działalność rozpoczęło w maju 1991 r. Rok 2011 był rokiem jubileuszowym – Muzeum obchodziło 20-lecie działalności. Z kolei w roku 2012 minęło 20 lat od rozpoczęcia akcji gromadzenia darów, w której wzięli udział wybitni i najwybitniejsi polscy twórcy (i nieliczni zagraniczni). Jedną z ważnych kolekcji podarował Andrzej Wajda. Dzieła są starannie wybierane. Artyści i inni darczyńcy stali się współtwórcami zbiorów. Dzięki tej akcji zgromadziło ponad 2500 dzieł, ale też ukształtował się program muzeum, intelektualny i edukacyjny, decydujący o odrębności placówki. Stworzony tu obraz sztuki polskiej po II wojnie światowej najlepiej definiuje tytuł jednego z pokazów: „Kolekcja 18. Sztuka w Polsce po r. 1945. Między ideą sztuki nowoczesnej, a rzeczywistością i pamięcią” (w 2009 r.). Jedną z najważniejszych kolekcji Muzeum pokazywało pod różnymi tytułami: „Sztuka w Polsce wobec spraw publicznych”, „W drodze do wolności” i „Polityka i etyka”. Muzeum organizuje też wystawy indywidualne zaprzyjaźnionych twórców.W zbiorach muzeum jest przeszło 4500 dzieł. Są tu dzieła stworzone przez artystów kilku pokoleń, reprezentujących różne nurty sztuki – przede wszystkim prace wykonane w technikach tradycyjnych. Muzeum posiada dużą kolekcję polskiego malarstwa współczesnego; ważne są kolekcje portretów i autoportretów oraz rysunków. Są rzeźby, niewielki zbiór obiektów i instalacji, grafiki wybranych artystów i fotografie, prace artystów tworzących poza krajem (na emigracji).
EN
The research topic follows, firstly, from the fact that there is a need to examine the scientific schools of the 21st century. Secondly, the general tendency towards the re-ideologization of political science requires a critical interpretation of the state of affairs in the Russian Federation and Ukraine. Thirdly, in Ukraine and in the countries that are its allies, the theoretical analysis of historiography should be particularly helpful in offering a more clear definition of the former and current ideological positions of the aggressor country (the Russian Federation). The article compares the Russian and Ukrainian schools of political science, which have explored the impact on CEE of such actors as the EU, NATO, the USA, and Germany, as well as the economic, political, and ideological components of the systemic transformation.
PL
The article analyses Max Weber’s position regarding the so-called Polish question from the point of view of post-colonial theory. The author discusses the circumstances of Weber’s scientific interest in the Polish question and offers an interpretation of his statements in this regard. Then, she moves on to explore the relationship between this early inspiration and the subsequent development of Weber’s comparative historical sociology, whereupon follows an outline of its post-colonial criticism. The article concludes with a suggestion of applying the author’s approach to studying the post-communist transformation and transitological debates in Poland.
EN
Poland’s transformation is occurring in individuals’ attitudes and behaviour. Several years ago, the entrepreneur was associated in Poland with corruption and borderline legal activities. Today, many entrepreneurs are looked upon as positive role models. Social acceptance of entrepreneurial attitudes in Poland is growing. Increased susceptibility to entrepreneurial behaviour in society will increase the rate at which new businesses are established, enhancing market dynamics and accelerating innovative changes. In Poland, however, entrepreneurs are not seen as a positive example, unlike in the United States. Willingness to take risks, selfexpression and independence are not met with social acceptance, especially if rewarded with high incomes. The research undertaken by the author is aimed at analysing the essence of entrepreneurial attitudes and changes in the social acceptance of entrepreneurial behaviour.
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The Museum of Contemporary Art in Radom is a branch of the local Jacek Malczewski Museum. Its large collection of Polish art from the second half of the twentieth century increases almost exclusively thanks to donations. The Museum was established in 1990 during the phase of systemic transformation, when it took over collections created at the Museum of Art and dating from the post-Word War II period (1 797 exhibits) and a collection of the BWA Gallery in Radom (265 exhibits). It was also the first institution in Poland to be named a museum of contemporary art. The Museum is located in two Baroque town houses in the Radom Market Square: the Esterka House and the Gąska House. The Museum initiated its activity in May 1991, in 2011 it celebrated its twentieth anniversary, and the year 2012 marked two decades from the inauguration of a collection of donations, an anniversary attended by outstanding Polish artists (and several from abroad). One of the important collections was donated by Andrzej Wajda. All artworks are carefully selected, with their authors and other donors becoming the co-founders of the collection. This campaign made it possible to amass more than 2 500 exhibits and to mould the intellectual and educational programme of the Museum, decisive for the latter’s distinctness. The thus created vision of Polish post-war art is best defined by the title of one of the shows: “Collection 18. Art in Poland after 1945. Between the idea of modern art, reality and memory” (2009). The Museum displayed one of its most prominent collections under various titles: ”Art in Poland and public issues”, “Along the path towards freedom”, and ”Politics and ethics”. It also holds one-man shows of artists closely affiliated with the Radom institution. The Museum collections are composed of over 4 500 works of art created by representatives of several generations and typical for assorted currents, with pride of place given to exhibits executed in classical techniques. A large collection of Polish contemporary painting is accompanied by significant collections of portraits, self-portraits and drawings. Other exhibits include sculptures, a small collection of installations, graphic works by leading authors, photographs, and works by artists residing abroad (émigrés).
EN
In the most recent history of Poland, the beginning of the 90s was undoubtedly a breakthrough. In 1989, communism started falling apart and the new reality that emerged showed that the upcoming change would not be easy and would have, at least at the beginning, a negative impact on social life and the economy. In a country dominated by old-fashioned agriculture, hyperinflation, enormous debt and a devastated economy, it was extremely difficult to introduce elements of private property and free market economy. The biggest economic distress related to the transformation was the phenomenon of unemployment, the extent of which was so vast that material status of Poles and their families deteriorated very quickly. It implied such negative phenomena as poverty, helplessness, social isolation, and emotional issues in families. Many people did not cope in the situation of rivalry and competition. At the same time, old habits, disparities and financial deficiency worsened the psychological problems of individuals. The Catholic Church, recognising the extent of the problem, got involved in supporting families of the unemployed. The Church preached the teaching based on the value of human labour, human dignity, the need of social justice, and interpersonal solidarity. She agitated for national debate on unemployment to take remedial measures. Help provided by the Church, and charitable institutions and foundations related to the Church to families of the unemployed should not be underestimated. The role of the Church in Poland during this difficult transitional period should be remembered.
EN
After 1989, Polish society and the political elite have chosen a course for possibly fast and deep integration with western international organizations. The reasons for this decision were the issues of security and economic – even civilizational – development. This was a key element of Polish foreign policy during the period of systemic transformation. The most important was the accession to NATO and the EU. There were also efforts towards the entrance to the other international organizations. This activity should not be seen in isolation from the changes in the global balance of power, aimed to build the unipolar order.
EN
In the 1980s, the communist authorities of Poland, forced by the dire economic and social situation, undertook a number of attempts to reform the centrally managed economy. By deciding on limited liberalization, they simultaneously secured the economic foundations of the government, which was dominated by the public sector. The Polish version of perestroika was, thus, implemented in order to balance the economy. However, like the Soviet model, it was a tactical move, essentially to consolidate the centrally managed economy. The economic hybrid that emerged from the partial reforms, contrary to the intentions of its creators, did not weaken, but rather strengthened deep crisis phenomena. Their inhibition became the main goal of the democratic government formed in 1989 and the radical economic reforms associated with the name of Leszek Balcerowicz. The departure from the reforms of the centrally managed economy and the undertaking of consistent market transformation resulted in measurable economic successes. They were particularly visible against the background of the economy of Belarus, Russia and Ukraine, whose authorities had abandoned comprehensive and consistent market reforms.
EN
Poland’s transformation occurs in individuals’ attitudes and behaviour. Several years ago, the entrepreneur in Poland was associated with corruption and border-line legal activities. Today, many entrepreneurs are looked upon as positive role models. Social acceptance of entrepreneurial attitudes in Poland is growing. Increased susceptibility to entrepreneurial behaviour in a society will increase the rate at which new businesses are established, enhancing market dynamics, and accelerating innovative changes. But in Poland entrepreneurs are not seen as a positive example, unlike in the United States. Willingness to take risks, self-expression and independence are not met with social acceptance, especially if rewarded with high incomes. The research undertaken by the author is aimed at analysing the essence of entrepreneurial attitudes and changes in the social acceptance of entrepreneurial behaviour.
EN
Since 1989, the transitions have been made in Central and Eastern Europe, in political science those changes are described and explained in terms of „sys-temic transformation”. One of the three main goals of transformation in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe was not only introducing a system of freedom, democracy, the country of law and market economy but also the crea-tion of civil society. The changes from 1990 to 1992 in the political and eco-nomic life of Lithuania and the building of a democratic system were based on the implementation of the principle of national sovereignty, separation of pow-ers, rule of law, political pluralism and providing democratic, stable govern-ment. Since 1990, the political system and legal elements shaping it in Lithuania have been constantly transformed. It is difficult to conclude when the political system and the building of civil society will have reached the level of a consoli-dated democracy.
EN
The article describes the commodification process, focusing on the sphere of labour. The specificity of the approach consists of treating labour as a component of the systemic transformation of the Polish society. The Polish people, on their way from real socialism to market democracy, are undergoing a particularly intense commodification process. This process has been intensified by Poland’s accession to the European Union and by globalisation, due to participation in supranational market systems at the regional (European) and global levels. Empirically, the commodification process has been analysed using awareness studies. Subjects were young inhabitants of Warsaw with higher education, and the study results were additionally related to nationallevel research. The labour sphere is seen here as a key element of the wider social reality and it is studied empirically in terms of individual orientations which the subjects exhibit towards normative social models. The processes of commodification and de-commodification are seen in the context of the systemic transformation from centralised-autocratic to the market-democratic models of society. Attention has also been paid to the role of the welfare state, whose key function is to protect citizens from major risks, including the risk of being unemployed. The empirical study clearly shows the specificity of labour in commodification processes. Labour was shown to be an element that stands out from the other elements of the social system.
EN
Exploitation films are one of the main trends of the Serbian cinema of the beginning of the 21st century, when Serbia enters the second phase of systemic transformation, striving to neutralize the effects of the crisis in the first phase of transformation – towards the end of the 20th century – due to the authoritarian policy of Slobodan Milošević and Yugoslav wars. This non-film context allows better understanding of the phenomenon of these films, which in many respects are a continuation of the cinema of self-balkanization cultivated in the 1990s, and at the same time differ from it, because they do not offer a compromise with difficult transformational reality, but express the need to release the social trauma born of experience of political violence in the Milošević era.
EN
30 years after the German Democratic Republic was incorporated into Germany, the process of reunification of Germany still seems unfinished. The eastern part of Germany still differs in some respects from the west. The article analyzes the political and social consequences of reunification for the eastern federal states. The conclusions indicate that in terms of specific political behaviour (lower elections turnouts, voting for extreme groups: Die Linke - previously PDS - and now also for AfD, and finally sceptical attitude towards democracy) or social behaviour (negative consequences of permanent unemployment, migrations to the west of the country, deindustrialization) the eastern federal states of Germany are noticeably different from the western ones. In many respects, the area of the former GDR resembles former socialist states in which the process of systemic transformation also took place. It is therefore difficult to assess when the effects of the merger of the two German states will no longer be noticeable. It cannot be ruled out that this process will last for several decades. The study employed the historical analytical method.
EN
The paper deals with the formation of a new national identity in Belarus under conditions of post-Soviet transformation. Under the term of "national identity" the author means the identity of the population of the Republic of Belarus that will be adequate to its status of a newly independent state acquired after 1991. Special attention is paid to the existing major research approaches to the problem of constructing this national identity. According to the author's view, both major approaches are inadequate; the author puts forward a new (third) approach that goes beyond discussions on language and national culture, and corresponds to the concept of plurality of identities. The author describes some paradoxes of national identity based on the opposition of "nation" and "people". These correspond to the Western model of the "creation of modern nations", which is not fully applicable to post-Soviet Belarus. All attempts to apply this model to contemporary Belarus lead scholars to several "cultural paradoxes" that can, however, be explained within a new approach.
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EN
This article analyzes the concept of homo sovieticus. Its point of departure is Józef Tischner’s description of the syndrome know under this name. Many of Tischner’s general observations have been reflected in empirical research conducted by distinguished sociologists: Stefan Nowak, Mirosława Marody, Jan Lutyński or Edmund Wnuk-Lipiński. Two basic questions are formulated in this article: 1) Do the specific characteristics of Polish society which emerge from this research allow us to posit the existence of a specific type of human being with a distinct mentality, way of thinking and social functioning which Tischner portrayed? In other words, did communism really produce a “new man”? 2) Is the homo sovieticus attitude syndrome useful? Does it help to explain the various problems of systemic transformation?
EN
The article is based on an analysis of Polish and international legal acts, government programs and literature, and aims at presenting the concept and the scope of consumer policy in the period of systemic transformation in Poland. The publication features an analysis of the major factors shaping consumer policy in Poland in the years 1989-2004. Selected international legal acts affecting consumer protection in the years 1989-1997 were also analyzed. Elements of consumer policy present in selected governmental economic programs in the period of transformation were synthesized. It was assumed that consumer policy in the period of systemic transformation indirectly resulted from the economic policy of the government. Its shape was primarily affected by the social and economic transformation occurring since 1989 and the birth of free-market economy. The process of adjusting the Polish legislation to the European Union standards, which began in 1991, and subsequent accession to the European Union in 2004 also played an important role.
EN
The paper is based on the results of a longitudinal study tracing the challenges that joining NATO created for the armed forces and the defense policies of Poland. Examining the evolution of civil-military relations (CMR) in Poland, before and after it joined NATO we were seeking, whether those relations are copies, templates, patches or thresholds of established “Western” institutions. We also asked whether the Polish armed forces can be seen to accept democratic civilian control behaviourally, attitudinally and constitutionally. We conducted three series of face-to-face semi-structured interviews in 1996, 2006 and 2015–2016, using a proprietary questionnaire with a set of open questions. It was possible to interview 41 people, forming a sizeable part of Polish key decision makers and experts involved in the process of NATO enlargement. Findings were validated with the results of archival work on primary sources of Polish military doctrine, including the laws and the published statements of military concepts, practices and procedure. A critical review of the existing, mainly English-language literature of the subject was used to broaden the perspective. The results of our investigation show that Poland has accepted templates of CMR, which indicates that, although their adoption was voluntary, it was only approximate. They also suggest that the Polish military has accepted civilian control constitutionally and behaviourally but its attitudinal acceptance is still incomplete.
PL
Artykuł prezentuje wyniki badań stanowiących część historyczno-porównawczego studium wyzwań, jakie wejście do NATO postawiło przed siłami zbrojnymi i polityką obronną Polski. Badając ewolucję stosunków cywilno-wojskowych (SCW) w Polsce przed i po jej wstąpieniu do NATO pytaliśmy czy mają one formę kopii, szablonów czy progów uznanych „zachodnich” rozwiązań instytucjonalnych. Pytaliśmy też, czy można uznać, że Polskie siły zbrojne zaakceptowały demokratyczną kontrolę cywilną nad sobą behawioralnie, postawowo i konstytucjonalnie. Przeprowadziliśmy trzy serie bezpośrednich, częściowo ustrukturalizowanych wywiadów w latach 1996, 2006 i 2015–2016 przy użyciu własnego kwestionariusza zawierającego pytania otwarte. W wywiadach wzięło udział 41 osób reprezentujących istotną część polskich decydentów i ekspertów zaangażowanych w proces poszerzania NATO. Ich wyniki zostały zweryfikowane rezultatami badań archiwalnych pierwotnych źródeł polskiej doktryny obronnej, w tym ustaw i publikowanych oświadczeń dotyczących koncepcji, praktyk i procedur militarnych. Krytyczny przegląd istniejącej, głównie angielskojęzycznej literatury posłużył poszerzeniu perspektywy badawczej. Rezultaty naszych badań wskazują, że Polska przyjęła zachodnie szablony SCW, co wskazuje, że przyjęcie to było dobrowolne, ale użyte tylko w przybliżeniu. Sugerują one też, że polscy wojskowi zaakceptowali kontrolę cywilną konstytucjonalnie i behawioralnie, ale ich akceptacja postawowa jest jeszcze ciągle niepełna.
EN
While capitalism is a term widely used, its defi nition is still debated in the scientific literature. Another debatable issue is also the effectiveness of varieties of capitalism. Until recently, the countries of Central and Eastern Europe were defi ned as economies in transition, but in recent years there have been some attempts taken to classify economic systems, which these countries have chosen. In the early years of transition, it seemed that these countries would follow the Anglo-Saxon capitalism. In fact, often they are still far away from it. What type of capitalism have these countries created? The aim of the paper is to systematize the research on models of capitalism, with particular reference to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe.
PL
Celem tego wykładu jest próba częściowej odpowiedzi na pytanie, dlaczego w 20 lat po rewolucji 1989 r. jesteśmy społeczeństwem sfrustrowanym, niewierzącym w swoje szanse i pesymistycznie postrzegającym najbliższą przyszłość. (fragment tekstu)
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