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EN
The article discusses the cure of souls in the Kielce Provostry in the sixteenth century. The source-base comprises the 1529 benefice taxation register of the Cracow Diocese, the records of the local consistory court, the Kielce collegiate parish registers, which date back to the 1560s, and the 1590s visitation protocols. There were twenty-nine parishes in the territory under the provost of the Kielce collegiate chapter. It was predominantly a rural area with only seven towns, whose economic and administrational roles were limited to the demesnes in which they were located. With a few exceptions, the local landowners were ecclesiastical institutions, first and foremost the Bishop of Cracow, the Benedictine monastery of the Holy Cross and the Cistercian monastery at Wąchock. Thus Reformation ideas did not spread in the Provostry, in contrast to neighbouring lands, where noble patronage played a key role. The parish benefices in the Provostry of Kielce were among the best endowed in the whole diocese. The majority of pastors employed curates, usually one, though occasionally two. The number of parishes with curates fell from 79 to 62 percent between the 1520s and the 1590s. In 1529, 44 percent of curates enjoyed higher incomes than the Provostry average, but in 1597 parish priests with above-average incomes constituted only 27 percent. There is no straight correlation between the level of parish incomes and the decision to employ a curate. Although the salaries of the lower clergy were usually only around 15 percent of the overall annual parish revenues, there was no move to raise them. Salaries were supplemented with fees for administering sacraments, but all we know about them is that they were on the decrease througho ut the century. The salaries of the Kielce lower chapter that substituted for non-resident canons and prelates constituted only 16 per cent of its total annual income. The curates’ testaments confirm the impression that generally, if their lives were far from luxurious, they were certainly not poor. The majority of rectors and curates in the Provostry were born to burgher or peasant families of the Cracow diocese, and those of noble birth constituted at most 20 percent. The lowest reaches of Polish society completed elementary education at most, hence mass literacy was uncommon. As no more than 15 percent of the Provostry clergy enrolled at Cracow University, training under the guidance of the local parish priest was the only route to ordination for most of them. The lower clergy were aware of the importance of books for the cure of souls, and a breviary, not necessarily the Roman Breviary, was commonly relied upon. Pre-Tridentine liturgical manuals were in use in some parishes down to the end of the sixteenth century. Rarely did visitations list sermon collections, which suggests that the priests must have relied on homilies published as part of diocesan guides (agendæ). Parish and private libraries were usually small, mostly containing only liturgical manuals and books useful on an everyday basis; catechisms are rarely mentioned. There is no straight correlation between the variety of books in the parish library and the quality of the cure of souls, as is demonstrated by the case of the Kielce collegiate parish. From the 1560s through to the end of the century the six to eight local chapter vicars exercised care only over a minority of local parishioners, perhaps some 5,500. In 1597–98, religious brotherhoods were active only in around 20 percent of parishes, and efforts to expand their activities were frequently in vain. It was clearly difficult to engage parishioners beyond Sunday mass attendance, and to do more than persuade them to memorise the rudiments of the faith and contribute to bringing offertories. In the second half of the sixteenth century, religious life in the Kielce Provostry was still to a considerable extent a continuation of the mediaeval world, in which the programme of reform was limited to the strengthening of Church discipline.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono duszpasterstwo parafialne w prepozyturze kieleckiej w XVI wieku. Podstawa źródłowa to przede wszystkim rejestr taksacyjny dochodów kleru diecezji krakowskiej z 1529 r., akta oficjała kieleckiego oraz księgi metrykalne kieleckiej kolegiaty zachowane od lat 60. XVI wieku, a ponadto wizytacje z lat 90. W XVI wieku prepozytura liczyła 29 parafii, w większości wiejskich. Nieliczne na tym obszarze małe miasta miały znaczenie gospodarcze i administracyjne wyłącznie jako centra okolicznych dóbr. Właściciele ziemscy w prepozyturze to z nielicznymi tylko wyjątkami instytucje kościelne, przede wszystkim biskupi krakowscy oraz klasztory: benedyktynów na Świętym Krzyżu i cystersów w Wąchocku. Stąd też, przeciwnie niż na terenach sąsiednich, patronat szlachecki odgrywał marginalną rolę, co skutecznie uniemożliwiało propagowanie idei reformacyjnych. Beneficja parafialne prepozytury kieleckiej należały do najlepiej udotowanych w całej diecezji krakowskiej. Większość plebanów zatrudniała wikariuszy, na ogół jednego, sporadycznie dwu, odsetek zaś parafii z wikariuszami zmniejszył się z 79 do 62% w ciągu stulecia. O ile w 1529 r. wikariusze 44% parafii otrzymywali wynagrodzenie wyższe niż prepozyturalna średnia, to w 1597 r. takich parafii było już tylko 27%. Podejmując decyzję o zatrudnieniu wikariusza, plebani nie kierowali się przede wszystkim wysokością beneficjalnych wpływów. Podobnie też często nie wiedzieli potrzeby zwiększania salariów swych podwładnych, choć stanowiły one tylko nikły procent dochodów. Istotną częścią dochodów wikariuszy były ofiary związane z szafowaniem sakramentów, o których wiadomo tylko tyle, że miały tendencję malejącą. W 1529 r. salaria wikariuszy kolegiaty kieleckiej to tylko 16% szacunkowych dochodów kapituły. Analiza nielicznych zachowanych testamentów niższego kleru pokazuje, że ich autorzy wiedli życie dalekie od luksusu, ale też od permanentnej nędzy. Proboszczowie i wikariusze pochodzili na ogół ze wsi i małych miast położonych w większości na terenie diecezji krakowskiej; duchowni pochodzenia szlacheckiego to, jak się zdaje, najwyżej 20% badanej populacji. W środowiskach tych edukację kończono w najlepszym razie w parafialnej szkole, czytelnictwo zaś było nieczęste. Najwyżej ok. 15% badanej zbiorowości odebrała wykształcenie w krakowskiej akademii. Przygotowanie do posługi kończyło się więc zapewne na przyuczeniu przez własnego plebana. Do pracy duszpasterskiej w małomiasteczkowych i wiejskich parafiach, bardziej niż ponadprzeciętna erudycja książkowa, przydatna była znajomość środowiska, z którego księża pochodzili i w którym pracowali. Duchowni prepozytury kieleckiej świadomi byli wagi ksiąg dla duszpasterstwa, a pierwszorzędną pomocą był tu brewiarz, niekoniecznie rzymski. Jeszcze z końcem stulecia sięgano bowiem po dawne diecezjalne przewodniki liturgiczne. Stosunkowo rzadko wizytatorzy wzmiankują zbiory kazań, gdyż zapewne poprzestawano na wzorcowych kazaniach publikowanych w agendach diecezjalnych. Księgozbiory parafialne, a także nieliczne prywatne wikariuszy i plebanów, rzadko liczyły więcej niż kilka tomów. Były to na ogół dzieła przydatne w liturgii i duszpasterstwie, choć katechizmy pojawiają się rzadko. O tym, że brak jest prostej zależności między liczbą tomów parafialnej biblioteki, tj. możliwością samokształcenia i podnoszenia kwalifikacji, a zaangażowaniem w pracę duszpasterską, informuje przykład kieleckiej parafii. Od lat 60. do schyłku stulecia, 8 wikariuszy tamtejszej kolegiaty obejmowało swą opieką tylko niewielką część z ok. 5500 parafian. W latach 1597-1598 bractwa religijne odnotowano tylko w ok. 20% parafii, ich aktywizacja zaś w kolejnych latach postępowała opornie. Dostępne źródła sugerują, że nie było łatwo zaangażować świeckich w życie religijne parafii ponad niedzielną naukę podstawowych modlitw i ofertoria. Życie religijne, relacje duchownych i świeckich w prepozyturze kieleckiej drugiej połowy XVI wieku to nadal świat prowincji późnego średniowiecza. Tak bowiem jak na przełomie XIV/XV wieku, tak również dwa stulecia później program reformy życia religijnego sprowadzał się do umocnienia dyscypliny świeckich i duchownych.
EN
The study aims at discussing the modalities with which the material running of the mendicant friaries of late medieval Transylvania was integrated into urban economic life. In the last centuries of the Middle Ages, the friars started to play an increasingly important role in the economy of salvation, a situation which often led to conflicts that occurred between the mendicants and the parish church. The main Transylvanian urban centers were largely monoparochial in the timeframe between the thirteenth and the sixteenth centuries and their religious life was cemented by the collaboration between the parish and the city councils. Whilst the urban leadership managed to take in firm hands the administration of the parochial patrimony, it would be worth investigating to what extent such a development could be identified in the case of the mendicant friaries. The analysis of the most important Dominican houses in Transylvania allowed for identification of the attempts made by the urban magistrate in order to control the friaries’ incomes resulted from donations and testamentary clauses, as well as to employ the friars in various activities related to urban economy.
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Mystický testament

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EN
The institute of the mystical testament is based in Roman law, which inspired its adaptation into the ABGB, and later this pattern appears in the new Czech civil code (CzCC 2012, § 1495). The text deals with the historical development and the reasons for the creation and function of the mystical testament in ancient Rome. it also deals with the differences between this concept of mystical testament and the mystical testament in the codes built on the French Code civil. The French, Spanish and Italian legal orders also know the mystical testament, but their concept is quite different from the Roman concept, which was closely related to the development of the codicil as a less formal type of last will. The main focus is on the possible use of this institute today. At first glance, the possibility is limited, since identical formalities apply to both the codicil and the testament. The main purpose today is the confidentiality of the heir whose name is to be written on another document in the future. However, the text also considers other options. in particular, the question whether this testament may alwo refer to a document that was previously taken. For example, it is possible to revive the already annulled testament. Another issue is that validation may also be the reference to a document that was obtained by a person other that the testator - for example, to the will of someone else. In addition to fragments of Roman law, the author also draws on the Austrian case law, which could be very inspiring for the future interpretation of the provisions of § 1495 of the CzCC 2012.
CS
Institut mystického testamentu vychází z římského práva, kterým se inspirovala jeho úprava v ABGB a po jeho vzoru se objevuje i v o. z.(§ 1495). Text se věnuje historickému vývoji, důvodům vzniku a funkci mystického testamentu v Římě. Zabývá se také odlišnostmi mezi tímto pojetím mystického testamentu a mystickým testamentem v zákonících postavených na francouzském Code civil. Francouzský, španělský a italský právní řád sice také znají mystický testament, nicméně jeho pojetí je zcela jiné, než bylo ono pojetí římské, které úzce souvisí s rozvojem dovětku (kodicilu) jakožto méně formálního posledního pořízení. Hlavní pozornost je soustředěna na možnou využitelnost tohoto institutu dnes. Na první pohled jsou zde možnosti omezené, jelikož pro dovětek i pro závěť platí shodné formální náležitosti. Jako hlavní účel je dnes chápáno utajení osoby dědice, jehož jméno má být napsáno na jiný dokument v budoucnu. Text se však zamýšlí i nad jinými možnostmi. Zejména nad otázkou, zda může být tímto testamentem odkázáno i na dokument, který byl pořízen dříve. Tím je např. možno oživit již jednou zrušený testament. Další otázkou je, zda platné může být i odkázání na listinu, kterou pořídila jiná osoba než zůstavitel - např. na závěť někoho jiného. Vedle fragmentů římského práva autor vychází i z rakouské judikatury, která by mohla být pro budoucí výklad ustanovení § 1495 o. z. v mnohém velmi inspirující.
EN
The article presents the results of a preliminary research on the sources for the history of the mendicant economy as exemplified by monasteries from the state of the Order of Teutonic Knights in Prussia, with special emphasis on the territories which after 1466 were incorporated to Poland as the so-called Royal Prussia, and which were composed mainly of the lands of Pomeralia (Gdańsk Pomerania), taken control of by the Order after 1308. The lands of the Order in Prussia, and later the Royal and Teutonic Prussia, hosted convents of four mendicant orders: the Dominicans, the Franciscans and the Franciscan Observants, the Austin Hermits, and the Carmelites. The documentation concerning the monasteries in question has been preserved to a various degree. These sources are currently dispersed in several state (Gdańsk, Toruń) and Church (diocesan archives in Peplin and Olsztyn) archives, as well as the former archive of the Teutonic Order, which is currently kept at Dahlem (Berlin). Most of them have been taken over from the archives of abandoned monasteries in the 16th century (the Gdańsk and Toruń archives) and during the 19th century monastery dissolutions (the Peplin archive). The remaining part of the documentation are records produced and kept at municipal archives in towns where mendicant orders were present. All these sources offer an insight into the income structure of mendicant orders from these territories. What makes research difficult, however, is the lack of bookkeping records. Proper estimation of sources can be achieved only when they are studied in a complex way, including both the monastery sources and the municipal records. Only by making use of the entire content which the latter offer might we obtain a reliable picture of the economic situation and the social role played by mendicants in urban centres.
EN
Research on the economic activity of the mendicant orders started to become popular with historians studying monastic life in the Middle Ages only in last decades, thus there is little bibliography on the topic. However the fact that there were and are running vast methodological attempts for research such as the MARGEC project, which go past the factual exchange of information and suggest viable methods to reveal the details regarding the economic activity of the mendicant orders of Central Europe in the Middle Ages should be considered an important step. Thus, it is the aim of this paper to continue to enrich the situation of the mentioned research tendency in a small way by examining the gifts of the wills and donations made to the mendicant friaries of Transylvania and to contribute to a broader and more complex understanding of the relationship between the Transylvanian mendicant orders and different economic activities in the medieval period. Giving a general outline of Transylvanian mendicant monasticism in the Middle Ages with its specifically Hungarian characteristics, we analyze the three most frequent types of real estate donations given to these religious institutions of Transylvania. It is clear that the results of the analysis of the given immovable properties to the friaries can be used not only for a better knowledge of the material culture of these religious institutions or for the donation and testamentary practice of the time, but they also can help us to chart the goods of the friaries. Having this data we can make further analysis regarding the economic situation of the friaries, what kind of property each friary had and how they could manage these goods in order to have a prosperous life.
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