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1
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„Manelek dwie i pereł sznurów cztery”. O szlacheckich inwentarzach posagowych i pośmiertnych z XVIII w.

100%
Popiołek B.
Res Gestae. Czasopismo Historyczne
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2005
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vol. 4
166-173
2
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Uwagi i uzupełnienia do książki Rafała Kubickiego o testamentach elbląskich

63%
Krajniak R.
Komunikaty Mazursko-Warmińskie
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2023
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vol. 321
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issue 2
358-369
EN
The article presents comments and additions to the book written by Rafał Kubicki on the last wills written in Elbląg in the Middle Ages. Although the monograph as a whole should be considered successful, additions and corrections of the biographical data on the clergymen appearing therein turned out to be necessary. Not all information was accurate, correct and up to date. The article also draws attention to several omitted sources found in the Archives of the Archdiocese of Warmia in Olsztyn, especially the documentation devoted to the last will of Urszula Emyke, widely described in the monograph. Minor corrections are also essential in the index of persons attached to the reviewed work
PL
Artykuł prezentuje uwagi i uzupełnienia do książki Rafała Kubickiego o testamentach elbląskich w średniowieczu. Choć całościowo monografię należy zaliczyć do udanych, niezbędne okazały się chociażby uzupełnienia i sprostowania do danych biograficznych na temat pojawiających się w pracy duchownych. Nie wszystkie podawane informacje były bowiem ścisłe, poprawne i zgodne z aktualnym stanem wiedzy. W artykule zwrócono także uwagę na kilka pominiętych źródeł z zasobu Archiwum Archidiecezji Warmińskiej w Olsztynie, zwłaszcza na dokumentację poświęconą, szeroko opisywanej w monografii sprawie testamentu mieszczanki Urszuli Emyke. Drobne korekty zgłoszono także do dołączonego do recenzowanej pracy indeksu osób.
3
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Dwa tatarskie testamenty wojskowych z pierwszej połowy XVIII wieku

63%
Winnyczenko O.
Rocznik Lituanistyczny
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2017
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vol. 3
PL
Testamenty wojskowych Tatarów z pierwszej połowy wieku XVIII w. są bardzo cennymi źródłami do badania wspólnoty tatarskiej w Rzeczypospolitej. Były to teksty pragmatyczne, przeznaczone głównie dla uporządkowania spraw spadkowych i rodzinnych. Oprócz tego Michał Olejowski i Mucharem Ułan Łostajski, których testamenty opublikowano, zadbali o swoje dusze, zapisawszy na ten cel pewne sumy. Teksty tych aktów nie zawierają – w przeciwieństwie do rozporządzeń szlachty katolickiej – wielu formuł dewocyjnych. Ale i tu widać inwokacje i arengi treścią przypominające klauzule dokumentów chrześcijańskich. Źródła te są cenne także ze względu na informacje o środowisku testatorów: ich towarzyszy, patronów oraz krewnych. The last wills of Tatar servicemen of the first half of the eighteenth century are valuable primary sources for research into the Tatar community in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The texts were pragmatic, paying attention mainly to the ordering of hereditary and family issues. Furthermore, Michał Olejowski and Mucharem Ulan Lostajski, whose last wills are published, took care of the salvation of their souls and disposed a certain amount of money for that purpose. The texts of these testaments do not contain a large number of devotional formulas like the last wills of the Catholic nobility. However, they also have an invocation and an arenga which make them resemble Christian documents. These primary sources are also valuable due to the information they contain about the testators, their companions, patrons and relatives.
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„A najprzód Najwyższemu Stwórcy za wszystkie dobrodziejstwa składam dzięki…” Duchowieństwo eparchii przemyskiej wobec Boga i religii w świetle testamentów 1817–1827

63%
Lecyk W.
Galicja. Studia i materiały
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2023
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issue 9
74-94
EN
The article focuses on the religiousness of the Greek Catholic clergy in the area of the Przemyśl Eparchy. The analysis is based on the last wills of clergy members from the years 1817– 1827, sourced from the State Archive in Przemyśl. Religious elements appear most frequently in the form of devotional invocations, brief reflections reminiscent of old Polish arengae (preambles), funeral dispositions, and references to the “divine judgment” motif and blessings. The analysis reveals that these elements are not common in the examined wills, and their content is usually limited. The author seeks to answer the question of the reasons behind this phenomenon and what insights the analyzed last wills provide about the religiousness of this social group.
PL
Artykuł odnosi się do religijności duchowieństwa greckokatolickiego z terenu eparchii przemyskiej. Analizę oparto na testamentach duchownych z lat 1817–1827 z zasobu Archiwum Państwowego w Przemyślu. Elementy religijne występują najczęściej w formie inwokacji dewocyjnej, krótkiej refleksji, będącej pozostałością staropolskiej arengi, w dyspozycjach pogrzebowych oraz w postaci motywu „sądu boskiego” i błogosławieństwa. Analiza wykazała, że wspomniane elementy nie są powszechne w badanych testamentach, a treść z reguły ograniczona. Autor stara się odpowiedzieć na pytanie, jakie są powody tego zjawiska oraz co analizowane testamenty przekazują na temat religijności tej grupy społecznej.
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Prepozytura kielecka w XVI stuleciu. Wierni i ich duszpasterze

51%
Kowalski W. Z.
Archiwa, Biblioteki i Muzea Kościelne
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2021
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vol. 115
197-251
EN
The article discusses the cure of souls in the Kielce Provostry in the sixteenth century. The source-base comprises the 1529 benefice taxation register of the Cracow Diocese, the records of the local consistory court, the Kielce collegiate parish registers, which date back to the 1560s, and the 1590s visitation protocols. There were twenty-nine parishes in the territory under the provost of the Kielce collegiate chapter. It was predominantly a rural area with only seven towns, whose economic and administrational roles were limited to the demesnes in which they were located. With a few exceptions, the local landowners were ecclesiastical institutions, first and foremost the Bishop of Cracow, the Benedictine monastery of the Holy Cross and the Cistercian monastery at Wąchock. Thus Reformation ideas did not spread in the Provostry, in contrast to neighbouring lands, where noble patronage played a key role. The parish benefices in the Provostry of Kielce were among the best endowed in the whole diocese. The majority of pastors employed curates, usually one, though occasionally two. The number of parishes with curates fell from 79 to 62 percent between the 1520s and the 1590s. In 1529, 44 percent of curates enjoyed higher incomes than the Provostry average, but in 1597 parish priests with above-average incomes constituted only 27 percent. There is no straight correlation between the level of parish incomes and the decision to employ a curate. Although the salaries of the lower clergy were usually only around 15 percent of the overall annual parish revenues, there was no move to raise them. Salaries were supplemented with fees for administering sacraments, but all we know about them is that they were on the decrease througho ut the century. The salaries of the Kielce lower chapter that substituted for non-resident canons and prelates constituted only 16 per cent of its total annual income. The curates’ testaments confirm the impression that generally, if their lives were far from luxurious, they were certainly not poor. The majority of rectors and curates in the Provostry were born to burgher or peasant families of the Cracow diocese, and those of noble birth constituted at most 20 percent. The lowest reaches of Polish society completed elementary education at most, hence mass literacy was uncommon. As no more than 15 percent of the Provostry clergy enrolled at Cracow University, training under the guidance of the local parish priest was the only route to ordination for most of them. The lower clergy were aware of the importance of books for the cure of souls, and a breviary, not necessarily the Roman Breviary, was commonly relied upon. Pre-Tridentine liturgical manuals were in use in some parishes down to the end of the sixteenth century. Rarely did visitations list sermon collections, which suggests that the priests must have relied on homilies published as part of diocesan guides (agendæ). Parish and private libraries were usually small, mostly containing only liturgical manuals and books useful on an everyday basis; catechisms are rarely mentioned. There is no straight correlation between the variety of books in the parish library and the quality of the cure of souls, as is demonstrated by the case of the Kielce collegiate parish. From the 1560s through to the end of the century the six to eight local chapter vicars exercised care only over a minority of local parishioners, perhaps some 5,500. In 1597–98, religious brotherhoods were active only in around 20 percent of parishes, and efforts to expand their activities were frequently in vain. It was clearly difficult to engage parishioners beyond Sunday mass attendance, and to do more than persuade them to memorise the rudiments of the faith and contribute to bringing offertories. In the second half of the sixteenth century, religious life in the Kielce Provostry was still to a considerable extent a continuation of the mediaeval world, in which the programme of reform was limited to the strengthening of Church discipline.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono duszpasterstwo parafialne w prepozyturze kieleckiej w XVI wieku. Podstawa źródłowa to przede wszystkim rejestr taksacyjny dochodów kleru diecezji krakowskiej z 1529 r., akta oficjała kieleckiego oraz księgi metrykalne kieleckiej kolegiaty zachowane od lat 60. XVI wieku, a ponadto wizytacje z lat 90. W XVI wieku prepozytura liczyła 29 parafii, w większości wiejskich. Nieliczne na tym obszarze małe miasta miały znaczenie gospodarcze i administracyjne wyłącznie jako centra okolicznych dóbr. Właściciele ziemscy w prepozyturze to z nielicznymi tylko wyjątkami instytucje kościelne, przede wszystkim biskupi krakowscy oraz klasztory: benedyktynów na Świętym Krzyżu i cystersów w Wąchocku. Stąd też, przeciwnie niż na terenach sąsiednich, patronat szlachecki odgrywał marginalną rolę, co skutecznie uniemożliwiało propagowanie idei reformacyjnych. Beneficja parafialne prepozytury kieleckiej należały do najlepiej udotowanych w całej diecezji krakowskiej. Większość plebanów zatrudniała wikariuszy, na ogół jednego, sporadycznie dwu, odsetek zaś parafii z wikariuszami zmniejszył się z 79 do 62% w ciągu stulecia. O ile w 1529 r. wikariusze 44% parafii otrzymywali wynagrodzenie wyższe niż prepozyturalna średnia, to w 1597 r. takich parafii było już tylko 27%. Podejmując decyzję o zatrudnieniu wikariusza, plebani nie kierowali się przede wszystkim wysokością beneficjalnych wpływów. Podobnie też często nie wiedzieli potrzeby zwiększania salariów swych podwładnych, choć stanowiły one tylko nikły procent dochodów. Istotną częścią dochodów wikariuszy były ofiary związane z szafowaniem sakramentów, o których wiadomo tylko tyle, że miały tendencję malejącą. W 1529 r. salaria wikariuszy kolegiaty kieleckiej to tylko 16% szacunkowych dochodów kapituły. Analiza nielicznych zachowanych testamentów niższego kleru pokazuje, że ich autorzy wiedli życie dalekie od luksusu, ale też od permanentnej nędzy. Proboszczowie i wikariusze pochodzili na ogół ze wsi i małych miast położonych w większości na terenie diecezji krakowskiej; duchowni pochodzenia szlacheckiego to, jak się zdaje, najwyżej 20% badanej populacji. W środowiskach tych edukację kończono w najlepszym razie w parafialnej szkole, czytelnictwo zaś było nieczęste. Najwyżej ok. 15% badanej zbiorowości odebrała wykształcenie w krakowskiej akademii. Przygotowanie do posługi kończyło się więc zapewne na przyuczeniu przez własnego plebana. Do pracy duszpasterskiej w małomiasteczkowych i wiejskich parafiach, bardziej niż ponadprzeciętna erudycja książkowa, przydatna była znajomość środowiska, z którego księża pochodzili i w którym pracowali. Duchowni prepozytury kieleckiej świadomi byli wagi ksiąg dla duszpasterstwa, a pierwszorzędną pomocą był tu brewiarz, niekoniecznie rzymski. Jeszcze z końcem stulecia sięgano bowiem po dawne diecezjalne przewodniki liturgiczne. Stosunkowo rzadko wizytatorzy wzmiankują zbiory kazań, gdyż zapewne poprzestawano na wzorcowych kazaniach publikowanych w agendach diecezjalnych. Księgozbiory parafialne, a także nieliczne prywatne wikariuszy i plebanów, rzadko liczyły więcej niż kilka tomów. Były to na ogół dzieła przydatne w liturgii i duszpasterstwie, choć katechizmy pojawiają się rzadko. O tym, że brak jest prostej zależności między liczbą tomów parafialnej biblioteki, tj. możliwością samokształcenia i podnoszenia kwalifikacji, a zaangażowaniem w pracę duszpasterską, informuje przykład kieleckiej parafii. Od lat 60. do schyłku stulecia, 8 wikariuszy tamtejszej kolegiaty obejmowało swą opieką tylko niewielką część z ok. 5500 parafian. W latach 1597-1598 bractwa religijne odnotowano tylko w ok. 20% parafii, ich aktywizacja zaś w kolejnych latach postępowała opornie. Dostępne źródła sugerują, że nie było łatwo zaangażować świeckich w życie religijne parafii ponad niedzielną naukę podstawowych modlitw i ofertoria. Życie religijne, relacje duchownych i świeckich w prepozyturze kieleckiej drugiej połowy XVI wieku to nadal świat prowincji późnego średniowiecza. Tak bowiem jak na przełomie XIV/XV wieku, tak również dwa stulecia później program reformy życia religijnego sprowadzał się do umocnienia dyscypliny świeckich i duchownych.
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Beyond the late medieval economy of salvation: the material running of the Transylvanian mendicant convents

51%
Florea C.
Hereditas Monasteriorium
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2013
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vol. 3
97-110
EN
The study aims at discussing the modalities with which the material running of the mendicant friaries of late medieval Transylvania was integrated into urban economic life. In the last centuries of the Middle Ages, the friars started to play an increasingly important role in the economy of salvation, a situation which often led to conflicts that occurred between the mendicants and the parish church. The main Transylvanian urban centers were largely monoparochial in the timeframe between the thirteenth and the sixteenth centuries and their religious life was cemented by the collaboration between the parish and the city councils. Whilst the urban leadership managed to take in firm hands the administration of the parochial patrimony, it would be worth investigating to what extent such a development could be identified in the case of the mendicant friaries. The analysis of the most important Dominican houses in Transylvania allowed for identification of the attempts made by the urban magistrate in order to control the friaries’ incomes resulted from donations and testamentary clauses, as well as to employ the friars in various activities related to urban economy.
7
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Rodzaje i formy jałmużny w Polsce przedrozbiorowej

51%
Surdacki M.
Archiwa, Biblioteki i Muzea Kościelne
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2016
|
vol. 105
275-301
EN
The problem of the sick, poor, old, orphans and those who are in need continuously appeared throughout human civilization. The Church played a huge, even dominant role in providing assistance to these people, as its doctrine of mercy inspired his followers to support the needy. This aid was rendered primarily through hospitals – which until the Enlightenment functioned as poorhouses; to a lesser extent by brotherhoods of charity. However, the most common form of assistance was a handout called „daily mercy”; according to the medieval concept of mercy, a „gold” and universal remedy for all human misery, because available for all the people from different classes and social groups. Giving handouts was something natural and done every day, something inherent in the mentality of medieval and modern society. It was an important part of all church and family ceremonies, public meetings, gatherings, and travel. There were different forms of giving handouts. One of them was a handout from individuals, which was usually practiced in the form of so-called testamentary handouts bequeathed in wills. Bequests and dispositions concerning handouts were made both to individuals (beggars and the poor) and a group of people living on the streets or in their homes. Also, the authors of their wills often bequeathed part of their wealth to charitable institutions, primarily hospitals and residents living in them. Informal handouts were rendered even more often; they were given by individuals in a spontaneous manner either to people who were in hospitals, or beggars who were not connected with any charitable institutions. Another form of supporting the needy was a funeral handout, distributed by the family of the deceased to beggars participating in the funeral. Sometimes it resulted from the will of the deceased, who before his death obligated relatives (in his will or by his words) to bestow handouts on the poor present in the burial ceremony. Beggars also received support participating at the funeral reception. The above-mentioned types of handouts can be defi ned as non-institutional ones. Sometimes, however, handouts were given by various institutions and organizations such as parishes, monasteries, hospitals and charitable brotherhoods, which were appointed for this very purpose, e.g. brotherhoods of the poor, hospitaller brotherhoods or brotherhoods of charity. Institutional forms of assistance include the ones provided by bishops, monarchs or municipal offi ces. Finally, there were also handouts coming from criminal penalties, because an accused or convicted person was obliged to help the needy as a substitute for any other type of sanction, for example fl ogging or prison. Sometimes the courts did not charge administrative fees, allocating them to beggars.
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Sources for the history of mendicant economy in Royal Prussia from the 15th till the beginning of the 16th century

38%
Kubicki R.
Hereditas Monasteriorium
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2013
|
vol. 3
55-65
EN
The article presents the results of a preliminary research on the sources for the history of the mendicant economy as exemplified by monasteries from the state of the Order of Teutonic Knights in Prussia, with special emphasis on the territories which after 1466 were incorporated to Poland as the so-called Royal Prussia, and which were composed mainly of the lands of Pomeralia (Gdańsk Pomerania), taken control of by the Order after 1308. The lands of the Order in Prussia, and later the Royal and Teutonic Prussia, hosted convents of four mendicant orders: the Dominicans, the Franciscans and the Franciscan Observants, the Austin Hermits, and the Carmelites. The documentation concerning the monasteries in question has been preserved to a various degree. These sources are currently dispersed in several state (Gdańsk, Toruń) and Church (diocesan archives in Peplin and Olsztyn) archives, as well as the former archive of the Teutonic Order, which is currently kept at Dahlem (Berlin). Most of them have been taken over from the archives of abandoned monasteries in the 16th century (the Gdańsk and Toruń archives) and during the 19th century monastery dissolutions (the Peplin archive). The remaining part of the documentation are records produced and kept at municipal archives in towns where mendicant orders were present. All these sources offer an insight into the income structure of mendicant orders from these territories. What makes research difficult, however, is the lack of bookkeping records. Proper estimation of sources can be achieved only when they are studied in a complex way, including both the monastery sources and the municipal records. Only by making use of the entire content which the latter offer might we obtain a reliable picture of the economic situation and the social role played by mendicants in urban centres.
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Poverty or not? Economic aspects of the mendicant friaries in medieval Transylvania

38%
Lupescu Makó M.
Hereditas Monasteriorium
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2013
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vol. 3
111-133
EN
Research on the economic activity of the mendicant orders started to become popular with historians studying monastic life in the Middle Ages only in last decades, thus there is little bibliography on the topic. However the fact that there were and are running vast methodological attempts for research such as the MARGEC project, which go past the factual exchange of information and suggest viable methods to reveal the details regarding the economic activity of the mendicant orders of Central Europe in the Middle Ages should be considered an important step. Thus, it is the aim of this paper to continue to enrich the situation of the mentioned research tendency in a small way by examining the gifts of the wills and donations made to the mendicant friaries of Transylvania and to contribute to a broader and more complex understanding of the relationship between the Transylvanian mendicant orders and different economic activities in the medieval period. Giving a general outline of Transylvanian mendicant monasticism in the Middle Ages with its specifically Hungarian characteristics, we analyze the three most frequent types of real estate donations given to these religious institutions of Transylvania. It is clear that the results of the analysis of the given immovable properties to the friaries can be used not only for a better knowledge of the material culture of these religious institutions or for the donation and testamentary practice of the time, but they also can help us to chart the goods of the friaries. Having this data we can make further analysis regarding the economic situation of the friaries, what kind of property each friary had and how they could manage these goods in order to have a prosperous life.
10
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Sprzedaż dóbr białostockich przez spadkobierców Jana Klemensa Branickiego

38%
Łopatecki K.
Studia Podlaskie
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2015
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vol. 23
EN
The article presents the process of taking over real estate inherited from Jan Klemens Branicki by his heirs. After the Great Crown Hetman’s death, any inheritable lands and some parts of counties (starostwa) were handed over “for life” to Izabela Branicka. The widow was entitled to administer the properties and receive income on them until her death. Under the law, after her death the real estate was to be transferred to Jan Klemens Branicki’s sisters, their children, grandchildren and great grandchildren. The rules of annuity were confirmed by a special commission appointed by Delegated Sejm which was held in Warsaw in 1774. Numerous court proceedings lasted as long as until 1800 when Izabela Branicka reached an agreement with the grandsons (brothers Jan Alojzy and Feliks Potocki) and the granddaughter of Krystyna Sapieha of Branicki (Joanna Potocka of Potocki). According to the decisions thereof, any property claims of Hetman’s wife were to be secured on Prussian lands (Bialystok, Tykocin and Choroszcz lands). Soon afterwards, on 22nd September, 1802, Kriegs- und Domänenkammer (Office of War and Crown Lands) purchased Bialystok real estate (their territory is shown on the map attached to the article) whereas Izabela Branicka leased the city of Bialystok since 1st June, 1803. The transaction of Bialystok real estate’s sale was to be terminated a year after their annuity owner’s death. Actually, in an already new political reality, Russian authorities acquired the real estate on 4th March, 1809. The sellers, however, did not receive the money entered in the sale contract (217.970 thalers / 1.307.820 zlotys) because Izabela Branicka heirs’ liabilities had to be repaid (over 619.000 zlotys) as well as Jan Klemens Branicki’s old debts and liabilities. There was a little more than 124.000 zlotys left in cash but thanks to this transaction Choroszcz and Tykocin estates’ debts were repaid. Smaller financial liabilities also burdened estates located in Austrian Partition.
RU
Статья представляет процесс перехода недвижимости к наследникам Яна Клеменса Браницкого. После смерти гетмана Великой Короны все земельное имущество было унаследовано и часть староства перешла в пожизненное пользование Изабеллы Браницкой. Вдова имела право до конца жизни управлять имуществом и получать с него доход. По праву после ее смерти вся земельная собственность должна была перейти сестрам Яна Клеменса Браницкого, их детям, внукам и правнукам. Правила пожизненного наследия подтвердила специальная комиссия, назначенная делегированным сеймом, которая заседала в Варшаве в 1774 г. Множественные судебные заседания продолжались до 1880 г., пока Изабелла Браницка не заключила соглашение с правнуками (братьями Яном Алоизом и Феликсом Потоцким) и внучкой Кристиной Сапегой из рода Браницких (Иоанной Потоцкой из рода Потоцких). Она желала, чтобы все ее имущественые права как жены гетмана, были сохранены в виде прусской собственности (белосктокской, тыкотинской и хорошчанской). После әтого, 22 сентрября 1802 г. Камера Войны и Домен (военно-әкономический орган публичной администрации) купила белостокское имущество (их территорию представляет прилагаемая карта), а Изабелла Браницка с 1 июня 1803 г. арендовала город Белосток. Процедура продажи белостокского имущества, находящегося в пожизненном пользовании, должна была закончиться через год после смерти Изабеллы Браницкой. Очевидно, что в новой реальной политической ситуации русские приобрели имущество в собственность 4 марта 1809 г. Продавцы однако не получили денежной суммы, прописанной в контракте (217 970 талеров/1 307 820 злотых), а также нужно было оплатить обязательства наследникам после смерти Изабеллы Браницкой (более 619 000 злотых), кроме әтого, небольшие долги и задолженности Яна Клеменса Браницкого. Наличными оставалось немного более 124 000 злотых, однако, благодаря әтой операции была погашена задолжненность хорошчанского и тыкотинского имущества, более мелкие финансовые обязательства являлись частью собственности, находяшейся на территории Польши, аннексированной Австрией.
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