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EN
The article presents the military relations between Poland and the Soviet Union in the years 1921-1939, from the end of the war between Poland and the Bolshevik Russia until the beginning of World War II. Its content has been divided into four subchapters, in the first of which the author analyzes the state of research on the topic in question and the state of preservation of sources in Polish and foreign archives. In the following subsections, the author presents the military relations between Poland and the USSR in three periods: in the years 1921-1926, 1926-1935 and 1935-1939. The last subsection is key to the undertaken research problem. It contains findings on the changes in the mutual military relations to the disadvantage of Poland, in connection with the rapid expansion and modernization of the Red Army and the difficulties of the Polish military intelligence in their assessment and difficulties in recognizing the reconstructed cooperation between the USSR and Germany.
EN
The article constitutes an analysis of the gas relationship between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Poland in terms of the current geopolitical and economic determinants affecting the nature of the bilateral cooperation in the scope of energy policy. The paper shows the existence of a dependence, as well as the characteristics of the natural gas sector and energy policy of the Russian Federation in relation to Poland and also answers the question about the reason for such actions as are taken. The aim of the work is also the analysis of the natural gas sector of the Republic of Poland and internal conditions in Poland, which influence the foreign policy of Russia in the export of natural gas.
EN
We present the institution of a local referendum from a comparative perspective on the example of legal regulations in Ukraine and Poland. The study is the result of the ongoing research of the two Authors and is of crucial importance in the current political situation – the Russian aggression against Ukraine. Hence, it is relevant both nationally, Europe-wide and internationally. The analysis includes a legal comparative analysis of institutions and an attempt to assess their effectiveness. The authors point out that there is a need for effective ‘safeguarding’ in Ukraine to prevent the referendum from being used as a political instrument (at hoc), against the will of the people. The analysis uses a dogmatic and comparative legal method and draws on the authors’ experience of holding local referendums. This research may be useful not only for the researchers of the local government law but also for the legislators.
EN
In the 1660s and 1670s, the Senate of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth consisted of between 146 and 150 members. Appointments to senatorial offices could only be made by the King, and some of them took place during Sejm sessions. There were three types of nominations for senatorial offices. The first concerned those who entered the Senate. The second referred to those who sat in the Senate and who advanced in the senatorial hierarchy. The third referred to senators who were additionally granted a second senatorial office. During the 1661–1679 Sejm sessions discussed here, senatorial appointments were usually announced right at the beginning of the session, just after the King’s proposal or the senators’ votes, but many times such decisions were also taken at the end of the Sejm. Most senatorial appointments were made at the coronation Sejm, which inaugurated the proper reign of the King-elect (the Sejms of 1669 and 1676). At the Sejm sessions discussed here, which were held in the 1660s and 1670s, 113 people were nominated for senatorial offices.
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PL
The article contains an analysis of the treaty policy of the Republic of Poland and the Czech Republic. A properly executed treaty policy is a condition of good mutual relations and, as a part of a foreign policy, is responsible for ensuring the best possible conditions on the international arena for the development of a state in all possible directions. In other words, good neighborly relations between the Republic of Poland and the Czech Republic depend on a reasonable treaty policy. The article presents a few areas of bilateral cooperation, including borderline agreements, agreements on national minorities, security and defense, economic agreements, agreements on cultural and cross-border cooperation, and the agreements on legal issues in 1993–2011. The article presents also the agreements that are part of succession of the treaty policy that the Republic of Poland concluded with the Czech and Slovak Federal Republic and also analyses international agreements that were ratified both by the Polish and the Czech states. The thesis on the Polish involvement in developing the treaty base with the Czech Republic is validated.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14761
EN
The article elucidates the endangerment to Poland's military security by the USSR in the interwar period of three sub-periods: 1921-1926, 1926-1935, and 1935-1939. The fragmentary sources of the undertaken research complexity are dispersed, secured in the Polish and foreign archives. In Poland, the reconnoiter of this topic began after the turn of 1989. Almost throughout the entire period under investigation, the Polish supreme State and military authorities assessed that the USSR (until December 30th, 1922, Russia) is the biggest threat to Poland's military security. In March 1939, they reconsidered this assessment focusing on Germany as the main threat to Poland's independence, mistakenly assuming that in the early period of the war, the USSR would remain neutral. The article analyzes, therefore, the Polish assessments of the USSR's sinister actions aimed at undermining the security of the Republic of Poland, and Polish counteractive decisions and safeguarding activities
EN
The purpose of the article is to examine selected examples of types of security education in Poland. At the beginning of the 20th century, national security was centered on military and political aspects, but recent decades have seen the successive shifting of the focus from the military-political plane of security to other areas. It seems that educational concepts adapt to emerging challenges. This thesis is confi rmed by the concept of global education, the idea of military classes, as well as the military training of pro-defensive organisations within the framework of the Passport Program. All of these educational concepts were covered in the study. One of the most important conclusions of the article will be to emphasise the correlation between the evolution of the understanding of security, the transformation of threats and changes in the field of educational concepts.
EN
After the Council of Trent (1545–1563) the Catholic Church was revived and strong, such situation led to increasing in mission activity. Sisigmunt III by putting the idea of unity of church on Russian lands of Polish country into practise, showed his approval of the Union of Brest and ordered civil servants, voivodes, district administrators, mayors and legal advisors to follow decisions taken by the Union. Restriction of laws put Russian population off the Catholic Church and the Greek Catholic Church. Although demands to protect laws of the Church were presented from the very beginning of the Union during the Seym gatherings and their main goal was to abolish the Union and revive the hierarchy of the Eastern Orthodox Church, the fate of Orthodox people was still deteriorating.
PL
Po Soborze Trydenckim (1545–1563) w odrodzonym i silnym Kościele katolickim wzmogła się działalność misyjna. Realizujący ideę jedności kościelnej na ziemiach ruskich państwa polskiego Król  Zygmunt III okazał swą aprobatę dla soboru brzeskiego i nakazał, aby urzędnicy państwowi, wojewodowie, starostowie, burmistrzowie oraz radcy poddali się decyzjom soboru. Ograniczenie praw zraziło ludność ruską do Kościoła rzymskiego oraz unickiego. Choć postulaty w obronie praw Kościoła prawosławnego były zgłaszane od samego początku unii  na sejmach, a ich głównym celem było skasowanie unii oraz reaktywowanie prawosławnej hierarchii cerkiewnej, to los ludności prawosławnej systematycznie ulegał pogorszeniu.
EN
This article aims to present the situation of the German minority in the Republic of Poland. The article will analyze the conditions of this minority in terms of law and history. The article can be divided into two main parts. First will be presented a historical outline. There will be information about the first German settlers on Polish soil, how they functioned in society, what they did, what rights they had, whether they assimilated with Poles, or cultivated their culture, and what relations prevailed between Germans and Poles and the influence partitions and both world wars on these relations. Then, after discussing what these circumstances looked like years ago, the rest of the article will be devoted to modern times. In this part, the activities of the German minority will be reported, how they function in Polish society, how they nurture the culture of their country of origin, what relations connects the German minority with Poles, whether representatives of the German minority act in political life, what organizations they belong to and what German cultural events they organize. Information on statistical data from the 2011 National Census of Population and Housing will be presented, including how many people declare themselves as a German minority and what areas of Poland are mainly inhabited by this minority. There will also be information on legal acts relating to the rights of the German minority in the Republic of Poland.
PL
Niniejszy referat ma na celu przedstawienie, jak wygląda sytuacja mniejszości niemieckiej w Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej. W pracy zostanie dokonana analiza uwarunkowań tejże mniejszości, zarówno pod kątem prawnym, jak i historycznym. Artykuł można podzielić zasadniczo na dwie główne części. W pierwszej kolejności zostanie zaprezentowany rys historyczny. Po pierwsze zostaną przedstawione informacje na temat pierwszych osadników niemieckich na ziemiach polskich, jak funkcjonowali oni w społeczeństwie, czym się zajmowali, jakie prawa posiadali, czy asymilowali się z Polakami, czy kultywowali swoją kulturę, a także jakie stosunki panowały pomiędzy Niemcami a Polakami oraz wpływ zaborów i obu wojen światowych na te relacje. Następnie po omówieniu, jak wyglądały te okoliczności przed laty, dalsza część artykułu zostanie poświęcona czasom współczesnym. W tej części zrelacjonowane będą działania mniejszości niemieckiej obecnie, jak funkcjonują w społeczeństwie polskim, jak pielęgnują kulturę kraju pochodzenia, jakie relacje łączą mniejszość niemiecką z Polakami, czy przedstawiciele mniejszości niemieckiej działają w życiu politycznym, do jakich organizacji należą i jakie niemieckie wydarzenia kulturalne organizują. Zaprezentowane zostaną informacje dotyczące danych statystycznych pochodzących z Narodowego Spisu Powszechnego Ludności i Mieszkań z 2011 roku, między innymi ile osób deklaruje się jako mniejszość niemiecka, jakie tereny Polski głównie zamieszkuje ta mniejszość. Nie zabraknie również informacji dotyczącej aktów prawnych odnoszących się do kwestii praw mniejszości niemieckiej w Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej.
Wieki Stare i Nowe
|
2022
|
vol. 17
|
issue 22
1-21
EN
The article concerns the history of the towns of Brzeźnica and Pajęczno, which belonged to the non-town starosty of Brzeźnica. The text aims to discuss research problems concerning the socio-economic life in small towns and the factors that influenced the changes in the situation of these urban centers. The text presents the origins of both towns, their administrative affiliation and the scope of power exercised by the starosts on behalf of the ruler. The issues of economy, population structure and topography were also discussed, as well as the economic situation of the inhabitants. The text was prepared with the use of the analytical and statistical method. The article was written mainly on the basis of archival materials stored in the Archives of the Pauline Order at Jasna Góra in Częstochowa and the Archives of Historical Records in Warsaw and on the basis of source literature.
PL
Artykuł dotyczy dziejów miast Brzeźnica i Pajęczno należących do starostwa niegrodowego brzeźnickiego. Poruszono w nim problemy badawcze związane z życiem społeczno-gospodarczym w małych miastach oraz z czynnikami, które wpływały na zmiany sytuacji tych ośrodków miejskich. W tekście przybliżono początki obu miast, ich przynależność administracyjną oraz zakres władzy, jaką w imieniu władcy sprawowali starostowie. Scharakteryzowano także sprawy ekonomii, strukturę ludnościową i topografię oraz sytuację ekonomiczną mieszkańców. W artykule nakreślono zagadnienia, które w przyszłych badaniach należy pogłębić. Do opracowania tematu posłużono się metodą analityczną i statystyczną. Bazę źródłową stanowiły przede wszystkim materiały archiwalne przechowywane w Archiwum Zakonu Paulinów na Jasnej Górze w Częstochowie oraz w Archiwum Akt Dawnych w Warszawie; wykorzystano także literaturę przedmiotu.
EN
The article deals with the content of future customs officers’ professional training. Such notions as “training”, “specialists’ professional training”, “customs officers’ professional training”. The article presents an overview of the scientific literature, theoretical analyzes of materials concerning the issues of future customs officers’ professional training in the higher educational institutions of Ukraine and the Republic of Poland, still remaining open. The major scientific approaches of leading domestic and foreign scientists to study future customs officers’ professional training have been characterized, in particular competence approach, functional approach, instrumental approach, learner-centred approach, axiological approach, historical and systematic-andcomprehensive approaches, theoretical generalization The conception of the research problem in the educational sphere of higher educational institutions has been theoretically generalised. The point of the article is focused on the fact that professional training of future specialists of customs authorities is a process of learning, understanding and specific knowledge, skills and proficiencies of future customs officers who perform the functions of future professional activities, fulfil their functions in accordance with their professional duties during customs service. Also it has been noted that professional training of future customs specialists is caused by personal, practical, functional, historical factors that it is important in the process of understanding this phenomenon and in the research and development processes.
UK
Питання участі всіх суспільних груп країни в представницьких органах влади усіх рівнів є актуальним для будь-якої держави. Однак чи не найскладнішим є завдання відображення в представницькому органі інтересів національних меншин. Різні країни по-різному приходять до вирішення цього питання. Проблема представництва національних меншин в органах влади існує як для традиційно поліетнічних держав, так і для досить однорідних в етнічному плані держав. Ця проблема буде існувати доти, поки існуватимуть нації, народності, національні меншини. Люди завжди прагнуть ідентифікувати себе з певною спільнотою, а національна ідентифікація є найбільш прийнятною. Загроза асиміляції національних меншин значно посилює прагнення до збереження своєї національної ідентичності, що завжди переходить у площину політичних відносин та необхідності прийняття політичних рішень. У цій статті проаналізована актуальна проблема представництва національних меншин у законодавчих органах Республіки Польща. Метою дослідження став аналіз участі меншинних груп населення у політичному (зокрема, виборчому) процесі держави через формування етнічних еліт та етнополітичних партій. Для повноти розкриття обраної теми були поставлені завдання: обґрунтувати місце і роль національних меншин у суспільно-політичному житті держави; проаналізувати створення політичних партій окремими національними меншинами та їх участь у парламентських та муніципальних виборах. Зроблено висновки, що на сучасному етапі в законодавчих органах влади непропорційно представлені всі національності, які проживають у Польщі.
EN
The question of the participation of all the public groups of the country in representative bodies of all levels is relevant to any state. However, the most difficult task is to represent the representative body of interests of national minorities. Different countries have come up with a different solution to this issue. The problem of the representation of national minorities in the authorities is for both traditionally multi-ethnic states and for countries that are reasonably homogeneous in the ethnic plan. This problem will persist as long as there are nations, nationalities, national minorities. People always seek to identify themselves with a particular community, and national identification is the most acceptable. The threat of assimilation of national minorities greatly enhances the desire to preserve its national identity, which always goes into the area of political relations and the need for political decision-making. This article analyzes the current problem of representation of national minorities in the legislative bodies of the Republic of Poland. The aim of the study was to analyze the participation of minority groups in the political (in particular, electoral) process of the state through the formation of ethnic elites and ethnopolitical parties. To complete the selected topic, the following tasks were set: to substantiate the place and the role of national minorities in the socio-political life of the state, to analyze the creation of political parties by individual national minorities and their participation in parliamentary and municipal elections. It is concluded that at the present stage all nationalities living in Poland are disproportionately represented in the state legislative bodies.
PL
Konstytucja w rozdziale I Rzeczpospolita zawiera normy o charakterze stabilizującym stan prawny. Zajmujemy się tymi, które budzą wątpliwości interpretacyjne, niekiedy podnoszone przez doktrynę i w różny sposób rozstrzygane. Niektóre są sformułowane ogólnie, co utrudnia ustalenie zakresu zapewnianej ochrony (stabilizacji). Skoncentrujemy się na normach stabilizacyjnych, utrwalających regulacje lub wręcz niedopuszczających zmiany bez zmiany Konstytucji RP- art. 25 ust. 4, traktujący o umowie zawartej ze Stolicą Apostolską, ale również na tych które wymieniają w różnym kontekście ministrów konstytucyjnych, których nie może zabraknąć w rządzie, chociaż ustawa pozwala jego skład kształtować swobodnie. Wydaje się, że wśród norm o charakterze stabilizującym stan prawny, najwięcej emocji budzi kwestia Konkordatu. Autorzy zastanawiają się: czy zasadne jest by strona kościelna miała więcej praw niż państwo? Wykorzystana została metoda historycznoprawna (analiza konkordatów oraz tło historyczno- polityczne) i dogmatyczna analiza przepisów.
EN
The Constitution, in Chapter I of the Republic, contains norms of a stabilising legal status. We address those that raise questions of interpretation, sometimes raised by the doctrine and resolved in different ways. Some are formulated in general terms, which makes it difficult to determine the scope of the protection (stabilisation) provided. We will concentrate on the norms of stabilisation that perpetuate the regulations or even do not allow changes without amending the Constitution of the Republic of Poland – Article 25 Paragraph 4, treating of the agreement concluded with the Holy See, but also those that mention, in various contexts, the constitutional ministers that may not be absent from the government, although the law allows its composition to be shaped freely. It seems that among the norms of a stabilising legal state, the issue of the Concordat is the most emotive. The authors wonder: is it legitimate for the church party to have more rights than the state? A historical-legal method (analysis of the Concordats and the historical-political background) and a dogmatic analysis of the provisions have been used.
EN
Public manifestation of disregard for the Polish nation, the Republic of Poland and its constitutional authorities is a misdemeanor. Such disregard is not within the scope of the freedom of public debate. Such disregard is not within the concept of insult.
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