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EN
The article discusses the Polish-German relations in the press during the Weimar Republic.
EN
The article addresses the issue of the meaning of student editorial practice in teaching in journalism degree programs. It aims to discuss theoretical matters related to this kind of extra-formal activity and to present a specific example of how a student press editorial office functions at the University of Szczecin. The author’s interest is focused around the benefits that accrue from this kind of student activity regarding the acquisition of knowledge, practical skills and soft competences, as well as shaping attitudes indispensable in their future work in the media. In the initial theoretical part of the article, the assumptions of modern teaching in journalism programs were discussed with a reference to models of teaching that function in European countries, with the significant role of practical teaching of journalism skills also indicated. The latter part of the article is a specific case study that includes a closer look at the ways of implementing student editorial activities conducted simultaneously with the content of the study program. The analysis covers general assumptions, organization of work in an editorial office, a description of the publishing activity of an editorial office and the issue of student press in the space of the new media. Moreover, an attempt was made to assess the effectiveness of the conducted activities. In conclusion, the author states that being active in student media may constitute a valuable complement to obligatory student apprenticeships and allow students to perfect their journalism skills on an ongoing basis throughout the course of studies.
PL
Is to present lexical ways of evaluation, which are present in press articles dedicated to the election of E. Kopacz for prime minister. The study material consists of articles published in eight public opinion weeklies, which were published in Poland in September of 2014. They are journals with different ideological profiles. Among the noted lexical terms, there are primarily-evaluative as well as descriptively-evaluative expressions. These are adjectives, adverbs, participles, pronouns and modality indicators. Numerously represented are statements in which the authors report affirmations that evaluate other people. The analysed terms invoke, most of all, the utilitarian, perfectionist, cognitive, socially-custom criterion. Among the noted terms, the majority consists of those with a negative value mark. As it turned out, the ideological engagement of periodicals had a slight impact on the media image of E. Kopacz. An almost solely negative evaluation was present in conservative press. However, the press, which can be described as liberal, also pointed the weaknesses of the new prime minister, recalling negative opinions about her. It did it, however, in a more veiled manner.
PL
W wyniku ustaleń układu Sikorski-Majski w 1942 r. do Iranu dotarły dwie wielkie fale Polaków – zesłańców ze Związku Radzieckiego. Żołnierzom armii gen. Andersa towarzyszyło również blisko 40 tys. cywilów. Zgodnie z założeniami mieli być jak najszybciej ewakuowani przez siły brytyjskie dalej, jednak sytuacja na frontach i problemy logistyczne powodowały, że realizacja tych planów przeciągała się w czasie. Dla wielu Iran stał się schronieniem na parę lat. Polacy pozostawili tam po sobie bogatą spuściznę publicystyczną. As a result of provisions of the so-called Sikorski–Majski Agreement, in 1942 two large waves of Poles exiled from the Soviet Union arrived in Iran. The soldiers of Gen. Anders’ Army were accompanied by almost forty thousand civilians. According to the accepted terms, they were to be further evacuated by the British forces as soon as possible, but the situation in the war fronts and logistic problems hampered a swift implementation of these plans. For many Iran became shelter and home for several years. The Poles who were there during World War Two left a rich journalistic heritage in Iran.
EN
This article presents the response of the Russian press to the Act of 5th November of 1916 administered by Germany and Austria-Hungary and proclaiming independence of the Polish state in the former Russian Partition. Most frequently, Russian writers tended to unanimously disregard and belittle the Act as devoid of legal significance. The Polish cause continued to be regarded an internal Russian issue. It was also generally required that Poles unambiguously criticize the Act’s provisions. In fact, no postulate was put forward for Russia to outbid the central powers’ offer regarding the Polish cause.
EN
The 150th Anniversary of the November Rising of 1830, which occurred at the highly volatile time of the signing of the Gdańsk Accords and the rise of the Solidarność movement, had an exceptional scope and resonance both at the national and local level. The article surveys the coverage of the anniversary across the print media, from academic journals through quality periodicals to popular press
Zeszyty Naukowe KUL
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2016
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vol. 59
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issue 3
3-14
EN
The article discussed legal regulations concerning protection of the right to privacy, which may constitute a barrier to the free dissemination information about persons in the press. It was discussed the general principle - freedom of expression and its limitations which is right to privacy. The analysis concerns the extent of the interference in the privacy due to social functions that a person performs in society and due to interest person causes in public life. In the article it was pointed how the terms: “public activity”, “public person”, “public officer” were defined in judicature and doctrine of the law. In a broad way it was discussed art. 14 paragraph 6 of the polish press law which concerns interference with the right to privacy.
PL
W artykule wskazane i omówione zostały regulacje prawne dotyczące ochrony prawa do prywatność, które stanowić mogą barierę dla swobodnego rozpowszechniania w prasie informacji na temat osób fizycznych. Omówiona została ogólna zasada wolności wypowiedzi oraz jej ograniczenia w postaci prawa do prywatności. Analizie poddany został dozwolony zakres ingerencji mediów w sferę prywatności osób fizycznych, że względu na funkcje społeczne, które osoba pełni w społeczeństwie oraz ze względu na zainteresowanie, które w społeczeństwie wywołuje działalność danej osoby. W artykule wskazano na sposób definiowana przez orzecznictwo sądowe i doktrynę prawa takich pojęć jak „ działalność publiczna”, „osoba publiczna”, „funkcjonariusz publiczny”. W szeroki sposób omówiony został art. 14 ust 6 prawa prasowego zezwalający na ingerencję prasy w sferę prywatności osoby fizycznej, gdy wiąże się to z działalnością publiczną danej osoby.
EN
The article focuses on presenting the unstereotypical parenting roles in the press. These roles differentiate from the images of mother and father established in the language. The image emerging from the linguistic analysis of the texts published in “The High Heels” records the family and parenting from the perspective of an adult child or mother (father), less often an expert. The analysed material consists the following written forms – various genres of journalistic texts about the family (letters to the editorial office, articles, conversations, reportages, feuilletons) published in the mentioned magazine.
PL
Artykuł koncentruje się na ukazaniu niestereotypowych ról rodzicielskich w prasie. Odbiegają one od utrwalonego w języku wyobrażenia matki i ojca. Obraz wyłoniony na podstawie analizy językowej tekstów publikowanych w „Wysokich Obcasach” rejestruje rodzinę i rodzicielstwo z perspektywy dorosłego dziecka lub matki (ojca), rzadziej także eksperta. Podstawę materiałową artykułu stanowią różnogatunkowe teksty prasowe dotyczące rodziny (listy do redakcji, artykuły, rozmowy, reportaże, felietony) zamieszczone w wzmiankowanym magazynie.
EN
“Dziennik Miński” was published between 1917 and 1918 in what is now Belarus. The newspaper was targeted at Poles living there for generations, as well as at refugees who came to the city as a result of enforced migration in the summer of 1915. The newspaper was a source of information about military developments on the fronts of the First World War. What is more, it provided news about politics, social and cultural lives, as well as the refugees and their lives away from home. The newspaper also provides research material concerning the relations between the refugees and the locals of Polish origin. Information was also available on the problems faced by the refugees on a regular basis and the operations of help organizations like Centralny Komitet Obywatelski (Central Civil Committee) or Polskie Towarzystwo Pomocy Ofiarom Wojny (Polish Society for Assisting War Casualties).
PL
„Mały Przegląd” (1926–1939) to stworzone przez Janusza Korczaka pismo, na którego treść składały się przede wszystkim listy i reportaże dzieci i młodzieży. Jest to jedyny w swoim rodzaju zbiór źródeł ukazujących życie najmłodszych obywateli (w głównej mierze żydowskich) w II Rzeczypospolitej. Pozostało ono dotychczas niewykorzystane, m.in. dlatego, że stwarza duże problemy metodologiczne. Większość autorów była anonimowa, nie jest znany również cały skład redakcji (także dziecięcej) ani zasady selekcji i przygotowywania tekstów do druku. Periodicals as the source of research on society. The peculiar case of Mały PrzeglądThe periodical Mały Przegląd (1926–1939) was a paper established by Janusz Korczak, and its content was made mainly of letters and reports written by children and young people. This is the only such collection of sources presenting the life of the youngest citizens (mainly of Jewish origin) in the Second Polish Republic. The source has not been used so far, as it poses considerable methodological problems. A large majority of the authors was anonymous, we do not know all members of the editorial board (also of the children’s one) or the rules of selection and edition of texts in their preparation for print.
PL
Artykuł podejmuje zagadnieniem wartości informacyjnej galicyjskich czasopism prawniczych w badaniach nad dziejami notariatu w latach 1871-1914. W tekście zajęto się analizą takich tytułów jak „Kwartalnik Stowarzyszenia Kandydatów Notarialnych w Krakowie”, „Prawnik”, „Przegląd Sądowy i Administracyjny”, „Urzędnik w Połączeniu z Prawnikiem”. Sporą część ich zawartości zajmowały teksty dotyczące notariatu. Na uwagę zasługuje ciągłość, cykliczność oraz jakość publikowanych materiałów, które stwarzają możliwości badań nad grupą zawodową notariuszy zwłaszcza z zastosowaniem perspektywy egodokumentalnej.
EN
The article deals with the issue of the informative value of Galician law journals in research on the history of notaries public in the years 1871–1914. The text presents the analysis of such titles as „Kwartalnik Stowarzyszenia Kandydatów Notarialnych w Krakowie”, „Prawnik”, „Przegląd Sądowy i Administracyjny”, „Urzędnik w Połączeniu z Prawnikiem” [“Quarterly of the Association of Notary Candidates in Krakow”, “Lawyer”, “Judicial and Administrative Review”, “The clerk combined with the lawyer”]. A large part of their content was devoted to texts on the notary public’s services. The continuity, cyclicality and quality of published materials are noteworthy, as they provide opportunities for research on the professional group of notaries, especially with the use of an ego-documentary perspective.
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EN
In 1955–1956 the communist system underwent deep erosion, and one of the most important and evident signs of it was decreased control the party exercised over propaganda. This gave the press wide readership, and made some of journalists feel as representatives of the people. Władysław Gomułka’s coming to power began a process of consolidation of the system and regaining of stability – this applied to the whole system, including propaganda. The Press Committee of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party was meant as a concession to journalists: they were given a forum to formulate in which they could legally formulate their postulates for the price of loyalty to Gomułka. From the very beginning, however, the journalists who were members of the Press Committee and the party leaders had diverging interests. This made the actual activity of the Committee very limited. The political subjectivity of journalists was brutally challenged in the autumn of 1957, which was marked by a symbolic closure of the weekly Po Prostu. The Press Committee underwent a fundamental restructuring and its tasks changed. But a period of several months of its existence makes an important contribution to the political history of the press and propaganda in the Polish People’s Republic.
PL
Na podstawie obszernych kwerend archiwalnych przede wszystkim dokumentów KC PZPR i SDP autor przedstawia monograficzne ujęcie dziejów Komisji Prasowej KC PZPR w latach 1956–1957. Jej faktyczna aktywność była ściśle związana z bieżącą polityką wewnętrzną prowadzoną przez Władysława Gomułkę i stanowi ważny przyczynek do politycznej historii prasy i propagandy w PRL.
|
2018
|
vol. XVII
|
issue (1/2018)
117-140
EN
Aim: The aim of this article is to present restrictions on, and the gradual closing down of, publishing houses and Catholic press in Poland after the Second World War. Methods: The methods applied in the publication were appropriate for the history of education and the history of the press. Results: The accomplishing of this task resulted from the communist ideological assumptions of the non-sovereign Polish state, which found itself under the strong influence of the Soviet Union. According to those assumptions, Polish society, especially its young generation, was to be secularized. Within a few post-war years, the vast majority of Catholic publishing houses was closed down and the number of books and magazine titles was dramatically reduced. The circulation of the still existing press and published books was small and clearly contrasted with the fast growing propaganda and Marxist publications which were supported by the authorities. Conclusions: The article is based on previously unknown archival sources. The subject needs further in-depth research. The basic conclusion that can be drawn from the article is that the topic, which has been tackled, is very important, vast and requires further and thorough research.
PL
Cel: Celem artykułu jest ukazanie ograniczania i stopniowej likwidacji wydawnictw oraz prasy katolickiej w Polsce po drugiej wojnie światowej. Metody: W publikacji zastosowano metody właściwe dla historii wychowania i historii prasy. Wyniki: Realizacja zadania likwidacji wydawnictw oraz prasy katolickiej w Polsce wynikała z komunistycznych założeń ideologicznych niesuwerennego państwa polskiego, znajdującego się pod silnym wpływem Związku Sowieckiego, zmierzających do zlaicyzowania polskiego społeczeństwa, a zwłaszcza jego młodego pokolenia. W przeciągu kilku powojennych lat doprowadzono do zamknięcia zdecydowanej większości katolickich wydawnictw, drastycznego zmniejszenia liczby książek i tytułów czasopism. Nakłady istniejącej jeszcze prasy i wydawanych książek były niewielkie i stały w wyraźnym kontraście z szybko rosnącymi publikacjami o charakterze propagandowym i marksistowskim, popieranymi przez władzę. Wnioski: Artykuł oparty został o nieznane źródła archiwalne. Podstawowy wniosek z tego artykuł można sprowadzić do konstatacji, że podjęty temat jest bardzo ważny społecznie, obszerny i wymaga dalszych, dogłębnych badań.
EN
Memory of the New Martyrs of Butovo in Journalistic DiscourseThis article attempts to define the place of the New Martyrs of Butovo on the Russian map of memory. Basing on the assumption that memory is linguistic in nature, the author analyses texts excerpted from the Russian-language Internet (the Runet) and high-circulation press. She notes that the memorialisation of the New Martyrs of Butovo is founded on the premise of shattered memory, its mandated abandonment at the very moment of the event. The analysis of the excerpted material indicates that the memory of the New Martyrs transcends the boundaries of the private and is socially constructed. The author argues that the image of the Butovo Martyrs presented by the mass media serves the purpose of social consolidation and fosters the search for identity-defining ideas.Pamięć o nowych męczennikach z Butowa w dyskursie publicystycznymW artykule podjęto próbę określenia miejsca zajmowanego przez nowych męczenników z Butowa na rosyjskiej mapie pamięci. Odwołując się do tezy o ujęzykowieniu pamięci, autorka jako podstawę analizy przyjmuje teksty wyekscerpowane z runetu i wysokonakładowej prasy. Zauważa, że u podstaw memoryzacji nowych męczenników z Butowa leży teza o zdruzgotaniu pamięci, jej odgórnym zaniechaniu w chwili zaistnienia zdarzenia. Analiza wyekscerpowanych materiałów wskazuje na przekraczanie przez pamięć o nowych męczennikach granic prywatności i konstruowanie jej w wymiarze społecznym. Autorka dowodzi, że przedstawiany przez środki masowego przekazu obraz męczenników z Butowa służy konsolidacji społecznej, sprzyjając poszukiwaniu idei definiujących tożsamość.
EN
The analyses based on research show a complex problem of the reception of the media by the academic youth. They focus on how the youth understand and discover the complicated phenomenon of manipulation, a phenomenon that is relatively common in the contemporary mass media. It has been stated that the academic youth from Pêock has a very good knowledge about the media and a relatively deep insight in their manipulation. The students devote much to television, and clearly less time to the radio, and relatively little time to reading periodicals. It is a positive fact the subjects in principle adopt a conscious attitude towards the mass media and select among various media. The academic youth are well aware of the phenomenon of manipulation in the Polish media. It is especially present in television programmes. The research and analyses prove that female students know more about manipulation. They can also give better examples of manipulation and are more sensitive to the fact of various techniques and strategies of manipulation in the Polish media. Female students decisively more often than male students notice the use of manipulation especially in television and radio programmes. They are considerably more capable of decoding the technique of suggestion, falsification of reality and ingratiation - particularly, when it comes to propagate political views and influence religious attitudes. Female students are more aware of various manipulatory suggestions and attach greater effectiveness to them, especially the strategy of deriding religious values or the sensation-music-sex strategy are used. Analysing the relations between the type of university and the frequency of discovering manipulation in the media it has been found that students studying the humanities are better oriented in the phenomenon under consideration than technical university students. It is worth noting that in particular students from the Academy of Catholic Theology have a clearly higher level of media awareness. This is so both with regards to the knowledge about the mass media and the understanding of the essence of manipulation in the media, its application, any threats, and its negative effects. The analyses make us postulate a further research into the media-related problems. It goes without saying that there is an urgent need to take up educative activities to incur a habit by which we know how to use the media. These activities should be taken up by such educative institutions as the family, the school, religious communities, universities, and the mass media. The point is to be educated for a proper, i.e. such that helps in a versatile development of the person, usage of the media. One should teach recipients to selective in their choice of the rich variety that the media offer, in other words to find useful and beneficial programmes. It is necessary to expose the media contents and develop intelligent attitudes among the users of the mass media. Pedagogy is obliged to form reflective attitudes towards the media, so that the recipient could recognise the beneficial aspects of the media and reject what is worthless, good for thing, stultifying, mediocre, or even harmful.
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