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Paradoksy „wolnej” teokracji – W. Sołowjow

100%
Krasicki J.
Studia Philosophica Wratislaviensia
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2007
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vol. 2
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issue 1
37-53
EN
The study addresses the dilemmas inherent in the concept of ,,free theocracy'' as put forward by Vladimir Solovyov. Solovyov's theocratic ideas with ,,God-man'' are confronted with Fyodor Dostoevsky's conceptions. The author of the study argues that although Solovyov's ideal was an ambitious attempt to preserve crucial premises of the Christian world, it achieved the aim at the price of grave illusions concerning human freedom and ways of fulfilling the ideal, and therefore it was charged with a totalitarian potential. The author concludes that Solovyov's vision of worldwide theocracy cannot be called a successful project; despite that, his ideas may be approached as a challenge in the context of both the contemporary Russia's search for identity and serious dilemmas for the unifying Europe.
2
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La plenitudo potestatis Papae según Egidio Romano

61%
Di Giacomo M.
Studia Gilsoniana
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2017
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vol. 6
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issue 3
405-424
EN
This article analyzes the relationship, according to Aegidius Romanus, between spiritual power and temporal power. From the point of view of the Augustinian author, the autonomy of the world or that of second causes, following St. Thomas Aquinas, must be respected, so that the motions of nature are not usually hampered by any extraordinary intervention. However, this intervention will always be possible in the form of a miracle and according to a special law. Similarly, temporal power normally follows its own goals, without interventions ab extra, nevertheless, the Pope’s plenitude of power can suspend, if necessary (in casu), the power of the secular princes.
3
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Dream of freedom in „2084. La fin du monde” (2015) of Boualem Sansal

61%
Vuillemin A.
Lublin Studies in Modern Languages and Literature
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2019
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vol. 43
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issue 1
DE
Der Artikel enthält Zusammenfassungen nur in Englisch.
EN
A dream, that of freedom, inspires Ati, the central character of 2084. The End of the World, a novel published in 2015, in France, by Boualem Sansal, an Algerian author. In this work, ‘the end of the world’ has taken place. The powers of the North have been wiped out. Only one country survives, the ‘Abistan’, a theocratic empire based on ‘Acceptance’, the religion of this entity. No deviance is tolerated. The title refers to George Orwell’s novel, 1984, published in 1949, in England. The subtitle suggests that all freedom has disappeared. One individual, however, Ati, began to glimpse the ‘mystery of freedom’. This dream lives in him now. How is it translated into this story by an irrepressible aspiration, by a feverish quest and a vain research?
FR
L'article contient uniquement les résumés en anglais.
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Kant’s Model for Building the True Church: Transcending “Might Makes Right” and “Should Makes Good” through the Idea of a Non-Coercive Theocracy

61%
Palmquist S.
Diametros
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2017
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issue 54
76-94
EN
Kant’s Religion postulates the idea of an ethical community as a necessary requirement for humanity to become good. Few interpreters acknowledge Kant’s claims that realizing this idea requires building a “church” characterized by unity, integrity, freedom, and unchangeability, and that this new form of community is a non-coercive version of theocracy. Traditional (e.g., Jewish) theocracy replaces the political state of nature (“might makes right”) with an ethical state of nature (“should makes good”); non-coercive theocracy transcends this distinction, uniting humanity in a common vision of a divine legislator whose legislation is inward: the law of love binds church members together like families.
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Enlightenment and Secularism. Foreword from the Guest Editor

41%
Tomaszewska A.
Diametros
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2017
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issue 54
1-6
EN
Foreword from the Guest Editor to the special issue of Diametros – “Enlightenment and Secularism.”
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Zarzuty wobec idei intronizacji Chrystusa Króla. Ujęcie krytyczne

41%
Łapucha J.
Studia Paradyskie
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2019
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issue 29
59-74
PL
Idea intronizacji Chrystusa Króla jest problemem bardzo złożonym i wręcz niemożliwym do jednoznacznej oceny. Można jednak na nią spojrzeć jak na wydarzenie niezwykłe i wręcz przełomowe. Tematem niniejszego artykuły jest ukazanie zarzutów z jakimi musiało się zmierzyć dzieło intronizacji Chrystusa Króla w Polsce oraz ich krytyczna ocena. W opracowaniu zostały wyodrębnione trzy główne zarzuty wobec idei intronizacyjnej: zarzut tworzenia państwa katolickiego, zarzut zawłaszczenia kategorii narodu przez zwolenników intronizacji oraz zarzut zaprowadzania porządku teokratycznego w Polsce. Powyższe argumenty oponentów tego dzieła i prowadzone wokół nich dyskusje doprowadziły to tego, że w społeczeństwie polskim odważono się na nowo podjąć dyskurs dotyczący miejsca religii w przestrzeni publicznej. Brak jest jednak rzetelnego uzasadnienia ukazującego zasadność powyższych zarzutów w debacie publicznej. Niejednokrotnie argumentacja przeciwników dzieła intronizacji Chrystusa Króla ukazywana jest w kategoriach lęków lub obaw, które mało mają wspólnego z rzeczową dyskusją na ten temat.
EN
The idea of enthronement of Christ the King is a very complex problem and impossible to unambiguously assess. However, you can look at it as an unusual and even groundbreaking event. The subject of this article is to show the charges against which the work of enthronement of Christ the King in Poland had to face and their critical assessment. Three main accusations against the idea of enthronement were elaborated in the study: the accusation of forming a Catholic state, the accusation of appropriating the category of the nation by supporters of enthronement and the charge of establishing theocratic order in Poland. The above arguments of the opponents of this work and discussions around them led to the fact that the Polish society was dared to take up a new discourse regarding the place of religion in public space. However, there is no solid justification showing the legitimacy of the above allegations in the public debate. Often the arguments of the opponents of the work of the enthronement of Christ the King are presented in terms anxiety or fear, which have little to do with a substantive discussion on this subject.
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Světový válečný konflikt a Československá republika v obnovené Evropě : fakta, souvislosti, ideje

31%
Pauza M.
Filosofický časopis (Philosophical Journal)
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2018
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vol. 66
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issue 5
659-678
EN
In this article, anwers are sought to the questions of the general context of the birth of an independent Czechoslovak state, its own self-interpretation, possible alternatives, and the legacy today. These themes are discussed in theoretical, political and historical contexts. Attention is given to the Czech political theoreticians from the second half of the nineteenth century up to the second decade of the twentieth century (František Palacký, Josef Václav Frič, Hubert Gordon Schauer, Karel Kramář). A central motif is, however, an investigation into the activities of Czech foreign emigration, at the head of which stood T. G. Masaryk for all the war years of 1914-1918. This de facto creator of the Czechoslovak state idea perceived the plan for a new republic in the most general historically-philosophical contexts of the modern struggle between theocracy and democracy. The legitimacy of the new state was, in his opinion, justified by the fact that, during the First World War, Czechs and Slovaks stood on the side of progress, humanity and democracy. Masaryk formulated the necessary conditions for the existence and long-lasting prosperity of the republic. In this he sought, up to 1915, to modify and modernise Palacky’s idea of a federalised Austria. In the year 1918, however, he reached the conclusion that the ultimate goal was to establish in central and southeastern Europe something analogous to the American Union, the elements of which were not to be nations but multinational states. Such a body was to be ideologically and culturally orientated towards the West, but politically it would remain a distinctive counter-weight. The Czechoslovak Republic would then be destined, in its existence, to be part of this formation, standing between the West and the East. This original idea of Masaryk’s was not realised. But - unlike the recurring questions about the sense of Czechoslovakia - it is an idea t
CS
V článku jsou hledány odpovědi na otázky vztahující se k obecnému kontextu vzniku samostatného československého státu, jeho vlastní sebeinterpretaci, možným alternativám a odkazu pro dnešek. Tato témata jsou probírána v teoretických, politických a historických souvislostech. Pozornost je věnována českým politickým teoretikům od druhé poloviny 19. století až druhého desetiletí 20. století (František Palacký, Josef Václav Frič, Hubert Gordon Schauer, Karel Kramář). Centrálním motivem je ovšem sledování činnosti československé zahraniční emigrace, v jejímž čele stál po celá válečná léta 1914-1918 T. G. Masaryk. Tento faktický tvůrce československé státní ideje vnímal koncept nové republiky v nejobecnějších dějinně filosofických souvislostech novodobého zápasu teokracie s demokracií. Legitimita nového státu byla dle jeho mínění ospravedlněna tím, že se Češi i Slováci za 1. světové války postavili na stranu pokroku, humanity a demokracie. Masaryk zformuloval předpoklady existence a dlouhodobější prosperity republiky. Přitom ještě do roku 1915 mu šlo o to modifikovat a modernizovat někdejší Palackého ideu federalizovaného Rakouska. V roce 1918 však již dospěl k závěru, že konečným cílem je ustavit ve střední a jihovýchodní Evropě obdobu americké Unie, jejímiž elementy by se staly nikoli národní, nýbrž mnohonárodnostní státy. Takový celek by byl ideově a kulturně orientován na Západ, ale politicky by zůstal jeho svébytnou protiváhou. Československá republika by pak byla ve své existenci osudově spjata právě s tímto útvarem, stojícím mezi Západem a Východem. Tato původní Masarykova idea nebyla realizována. Ale právě ona - a nikoliv vracející se otázky po smysluplnosti Československa - představuje i dnes námět k seriózní úvaze.
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