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EN
In the Polish literature of the last two decades of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL), science fiction, especially sociological science fiction, served as a substitute for political literature, which was impossible to publish under state censorship. The majority of this genre was anti-utopian or critical of the totalitarian reality. This attitude was hidden under fantastical make-up and was very strongly related to the here-and-now of the period in which the books originated. Janusz A. Zajdel is the most important representative of this genre, however, at the same time he manages to avoid limiting his work to the thinly veiled politics of the time. While the topics of his work very often repeated themselves the stories go beyond the drama of the individuals or groups confronted with the totalitarian regime and focus on certain repeatable mechanisms within the system itself. Due to the above characteristics, his literary work transcends from being just a criticism of the internal workings of PRL into the area of structural functionalism of a universal social system. Social structures that play a central role in Zajdel’s work, are always built from the same, very clearly outlined building blocks. It may seem that the characters and the plot of the novels are only an addition to the views on the structure and the shape of society expressed by the author. Common elements that build that world remain at the core of all the novels and the pretextual story lines of Zajdel make it easier to present those elements in the internal functioning of the sometimes very complicated social systems that Zajdel describes. Dysfunctional elements that prevent the exercise of totalitarian control inside the system, for Zajdel seem to be of far greater importance than his story lines. These relations, so characteristic of the late PRL, referred to in the literature as “dirty togetherness”, are phenomena of exercising control over specific measures and social resources available in the framework of the social system for the implementation of not the objectives, which were designated by those socio-political systems, but by social groups or entities that use them for their own purposes. The main theme of Zajdel’s novels are dysfunctions that occur as part of the totalitarian system, but his social systems never meet the defining criteria of totalitarianism in the classic sense. Totalitarianism is not the main intrest of the novels but is only used instrumentally as the make-up for the description of the mechanism of the internal workings of these dysfunctions. Zajdel sees dirty togetherness as a structural element of the system, without which the continuous functioning of the system would be impossible.
EN
The article highlights positive impact of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution on Ukrainian national liberation movement and strengthening of fight for renewal of the statehood in Ukraine. The author gives concrete examples to the Ukrainian SSR authorities’ policy on denationalization and internationalization of Ukrainian political, social and cultural life and on exsanguination of country’s self-sustainability. The article draws parallels between elimination of Hungarian and Ukrainian leaders of national liberation movement.
EN
The huge constructivist apartment house built in the 1930s in downtown Moscow, on the bank of the Moskva river, owes its present‑day name to Yury Trifonov’s novel The House on the Embankment (1976). Being an example of architecture typical of the Stalinist regime and a symbol of the regime’s triumph and dominance over man, the house functions as a very special character in Trifonov’s novel. It represents both individual and collective memory, shows the destructive influence of history and politics on the life of an individual and the whole nation. The House on the Embankment, related to the archetypal image of house, which is traditionally perceived as a space of love, safety and family ties, emerges in Trifonov’s novel as an anti‑house, a dehumanizing space in which the intergenerational relations are destroyed and which signifies man’s submission to and fear of authorities.
EN
The article describes and analyses scientific and organizational activities of Otakar Nahodil at the Faculty of Arts, Charles University, within the wider context of Czech ethnography and folkloristics in the 1940-1960s. Based on the study of sources that have never been used for this theme to date and that originate in the management of the Faculty of Arts Charles University, the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and various security forces, it was possible to trace the Nahodil´s way to the position of a probably most influential eminent authority in the ethnological science at that time, as well as his subsequent steep power fall. The study points to a lot of extraordinary problematic features of Nahodil´s research work and personality, which - within specific contexts of that period (ongoing marxization, or stalinization of scientific research and transformation in its themes, cleansing and settling of personal scores at the Faculty of Arts, Charles University, development of the study of extra-European territories under the monitoring of intelligent services etc.) - strongly influenced the direction of Czech ethnology at that time.
EN
Jan Skácel is a Czech poet whose literary production marked the second half of the 20th century, a particularly difficult historical period. In 1948 the Communist Party had implemented a coup d’état thus conquering the totalitarian management of power and had begun to accentuate the ideological control of cultural life. After a short period of easing of the censorship, in 1968 the harsh period of the so-called “normalization” began: in 1970 Skácel was banned from publishing. In the decade of ban on official publishing he never left his country and never stopped writing verses, declaring his suffering, and tirelessly denouncing, often using refined figures of speech, the difficult condition of the poet reduced to silence. This article proposes an analysis of these texts following some thematic nuclei: first the poems which contain metaphors drawn from the animal world used to represent the figure of the banned poet will be analyzed, to then examine the compositions in which Skácel more explicitly and directly denounces the censorship.
EN
Philip Roth made no secret of his great admiration for the work of Franz Kafka, which ultimately brought him to Prague in the 1970s and fostered his interest in Czech culture. This contribution focuses on the reception of the personality and work of Franz Kafka in Philip Roth’s non-fiction writing. The first section focuses on Roth’s essential Kafkaesque essay ‘“I Always Wanted You to Admire My Fasting”; or Looking at Kafka’ from 1973, in which Roth combines an empathetic portrait of his favourite author with a counterfactual vision of Kafka’s life, in which the author of the Trial and the Castle did not die of tuberculosis and instead fled from the Holocaust to the United States, where he became Roth’s uncle. In the second section, based on Roth’s dialogue with Ivan Klíma from 1990, we document how Kafka serves Roth in his reflections on the position and role of the writer in society.
Conversatoria Litteraria
|
2016
|
vol. 10
|
issue -
331-344
RU
In the 20th century, all the periodicals and literary journals were con-trolled by the USSR Union of Writers (Union of Soviet Writers) and thus literary works dealing with everyday life of Soviet forced-labour camp prisoners could only be published abroad. Once released from the camps, many Russian authors emigrated to the West where they could produce their literary works about life in the Gulag without fear of the totalitarian regime and its censors. One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich – Alexandr Solzenitsyn’s literary contribution to Gulag writings – proved to be a milestone in the history of Russian literature. At that time Gulag literature had already developed its own plot structure and unique voice. Novels set in the Gulag offer grim portrayals of the enslaved people, of ap-palling realities of life in the camps, and the methods used to dehumanise people in the Soviet reality. The antithesis of a prison – the governor appears in every work set in the Gulag.Boris Shiryaev – a writer and poet; author of the novel on the Solovki prison camp, in which he provided a graphic account of the brutal reality of the camp life. However, unlike many other authors tackling the subject of Gulags, people depicted by Shiryaev remained unbroken despite the monstrous reality of the camp. Through their perseverance and patience they set an example for other inmates.
EN
The article analyses the All-Union censuses in 1959, 1970 and 1979 as a primary source for a comprehensive studying the population dynamics and the settlement of Ukrainians in different regions of the Ukrainian SSR during the 60’s – 70’s of the XXth century. The author has studied a state of preservation of their native language, has defined the factors which under the totalitarian regime negatively influenced the change of demographic processes, especially the ethnic composition of Ukrainian society at the outlined period. The article also describes the national policy of Soviet authorities which guided by the national priority of state and nationwide community of «the Soviet people» and ignored the value of an ethnic nation. The author also finds out that Ukrainians were the dominant nation almost throughout the USSR in the outlined period. The number of Ukrainian grew exclusively by natural population growth, while the number of representatives of the Russian nation increased as a result of internal republican migration. The article brings the idea that Ukraine was one of the centers of accumulation of immigration flows in the Soviet Union, and because of this fact the multicultural Ukrainian SSR society, which constituted basically of the Ukrainians, gradually turned into bi-national, where Ukrainian majority coexisted along with continuously growing Russian minority. Such resettlements were carried out primarily for political reasons and were aimed at the loss by native people their national characteristics – language, culture and the like. The main task of migration, which was run by the Soviet government was the assimilation, denationalization and the russification of the Ukrainian people which was hidden by slogans of rapprochement of nations.
EN
The carnivalesque of the death in the Russian literature of the 1930s Russian literature in the 30s of the 20th century developed within the totalitarian sphere, recording and mirroring the horror of the Stalinist reality. The impossibility of a direct expression of one’s own pain and grieving over death which was often associated with a sudden disappearance and a necessity to erase the beloved from one’s memory guided the artists’ attention towards new forms of expression. The works which represent a variety of genres and styles, such as Nikolai Erdman’s drama The Suicide, Daniil Kharms’s novel The Old Woman, as well as The Blue Book of Mikhail Zoshchenko, can be seen as examples of the use of carnivalesque which I understand as a defence strategy towards the omnipresent experience of death. I analysed the following features of carnivalesque: satire, grotesque, “black humour”, absurd, laughter, which are used in the above mentioned works.
RU
Карнавализация смерти в русской литературе30-х годов XX века Во многих произведениях русской литературы 30-х годов XX века, возникших вне эстетики соцреализма, кошмар отождествляется с тоталитарной действительностью. Невозможность непосредственно выразить страдание и оплакать смерть близких направляла писателей к поискам новых форм их передачи. Такие отличающиеся друг от друга по жанровым и стилистическим особенностям произведения, как драма Самоубийца Николая Эрдмана, повесть Старуха Даниила Хармса, а также Голубая книга Михаила Зощенко, являются примерами карнавализации, которая воспринимается как защитная стратегия по отношению к смерти. В данной статье анализу подвергаются следующие приемы карнавализации: сатира, гротеск, черный юмор, абсурд и смех, характерные для выше упомянутых произведений.
RU
В статье анализируется отношение большевистских съездов РКП(б) и КП(б)у к крестьянскому вопросу в 1918 – 1923 гг. Определены основные черты большевистской политики в отношении крестьянства, которые содействовали формированию тоталитарного режима: игнорирование интересов целого общественного класса, отсутствие научного обоснования и партийного обсуждения путей решения крестьянского вопроса, декларативный характер большевистской политики, особенно на Украине. Собственной программы решения крестьянского вопроса после установления власти в 1917 г. РКП(б) не разработала и свою позицию смогла определить только в начале 1919 г. и в 1923 г. Украинские большевики находились между необходимостью осуществлять принципы пролетарского интернационализма и реакцией на них украинского населения. Особенностью деятельности КП(б)У было более раннее обращение к крестьянскому вопросу в 1918 г., однако потенциал крестьянского движения украинские большевики недооценили. Украинские особенности в крестьянском вопросе защищали Александр Шумский, Яков Яковлев, Владимир Затонский, Андрей Бубнов.
EN
The article analyses attitude of Bolshevik congresses of RCP(b) and CP(b)U to agricultural question in 1918 – 1923. It marks out the main features of Bolshevik policy as for peasantry that caused forming of totalitarian regime: ignoring of the entire social class interests, absence of scientific explanation and party discussion of the ways as for solving agricultural question, declarative character of Bolshevik policy especially in Ukraine. RCP(b) did not develop their own program of solving peasant question when rising to power in 1917. RCP(b) could determine its position only at the beginning of 1919 and in 1923. Ukrainian Bolsheviks stayed between the necessity to implement principles of proletarian internationalism and the reaction of merely Ukrainian environment to it. The peculiarity of CP(b)U activity was in earlier appeal to peasant question in 1918, but Ukrainian Bolsheviks underestimated the potential of peasants movement. Alexander Shumskyi, Yakov Yakovlev, Volodymir Zatonskyi and Andrey Bubnov supported Ukrainian peculiarities in agricultural question.
EN
This article examines the position of the Ukrainian language in educational institutions of the USSR during the 60s and 70s of the twentieth century. It is shown that the Soviet government actively implemented the policy of Russification, the aim of which was the complete destruction of the national-educational space of Ukrainians. Numerous decisions and resolutions of the country’s top party leadership have laid a solid foundation for the introduction of Russian as the language of interethnic communication. In the field of education, the ideologues of communism tried to shift the emphasis from the national characteristics of Ukrainians to the “common” for all – the Soviet ones. Oppression of the native language has caused alarm among the Ukrainian public. Realizing that the Ukrainian language is the basis for the preservation and development of the Ukrainian nation, the Ukrainian intelligentsia led the movement to protect it. Disagreeing with Russification, Ukrainians used all possible forms of protest against it at the time. It came to the formation of open opposition to Khrushchev’s educational reform. Many letters were received by various levels of government, newspapers, and magazines from various publishers, whose authors were concerned about the unequal position of the Russian and Ukrainian languages and expressed their indignation at the functioning of a large number of Russian-language educational institutions. Ukrainians were encouraged to spread the Ukrainian language and take care of its further development, thus seeking to preserve their own national identity. And the Ukrainian language continued to live and develop in the thick of the masses.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono działalność społeczną biskupa przemyskiego Ignacego Tokarczuka, wpływającą na powstanie i rozwój opozycji antykomunistycznej. W 2006 roku hierarcha został odznaczony przez Prezydenta RP najwyższym odznaczeniem państwowym – Orderem Orła Białego za działalność na rzecz demokratyzacji życia społecznego i obrony praw człowieka. Celem badań było określenie roli biskupa w procesie organizowania i wspierania struktur opozycyjnych, zwłaszcza w południowo-wschodniej Polsce. Eksplorację przeprowadzono w oparciu o analizę wywiadów, wspomnień i opracowań naukowych. Szczególne znaczenie w procesie badawczym miała analiza wywiadów z członkami antykomunistycznej opozycji i duchowieństwem, która pozwoliła opisać i wyjaśnić postawę i zachowanie biskupa wobec ruchu antykomunistycznego. Stwierdzono, że zaangażowanie Tokarczuka w działalność opozycji antykomunistycznej okazało się niezwykle ważne dla funkcjonowania niezależnych struktur na Podkarpaciu, zwłaszcza w stanie wojennym.
EN
This article presents the social activity of Ignacy Tokarczuk, the bishop of Przemyśl, in-fluencing the emergence and development of the anti-communist opposition. In 2006, the hierarch was awarded the highest state decoration-the Order of the White Eagle-by the President of Poland for his work for democratization of social life and protection of human rights. The study aims to determine the bishop’s role in the process of organizing and supporting opposition structures, especially in south-eastern Poland. It relies on the analysis of interviews, memories and scientific studies. Analysing interviews with members of the anti-communist opposition and clergy was of particular importance in the research process, which made it possible to describe and explain the bishop’s attitude and behavior towards the anti-communist movement. It was stated that Tokarczuk’s involvement in the activities of the anti-communist opposition appeared to be extremely important for the functioning of independent structures in the Subcarpathian Region, especially during the period of martial law in Poland.
EN
At the height of Stalinism, the Soviet state was a fully developed totalitarian state. The dream of a new man, being the essence of a totalitarian regime, has turned into a nightmare. The man who was in the orbit of Joseph Stalin had no choice: he became either a victim or a perpetrator. His absolute power grew out of boundless proportions of terror. Stalinist violence was possible only because Stalin and his entourage treated it as an obvious tool for strengthening power, and this conviction came not from the texts of European Marxism, but from the experience and mental formation of the perpetrators. Stalin used violence to calculate his moves cold because he considered playing with death as an element of the power mechanism. At the same time Stalin was a murderer who enjoyed killing and inflicting pain and who used ideological arguments written in the canonical texts of Marxist theorists to justify his criminal decisions externally.
PL
Państwo sowieckie w apogeum stalinizmu było w pełni rozwiniętym państwem totalitarnym. Marzenie o nowym człowieku, stanowiące istotę reżimu totalitarnego, zmieniło się w koszmar. Ten, kto znajdował się w orbicie Józefa Stalina, nie miał wyjścia: stawał się albo ofiarą, albo sprawcą. Jego władza absolutna wyrosła z bezgranicznych rozmiarów terroru. Przemoc stalinowska była możliwa tylko dlatego, że Stalin i jego otoczenie traktowali ją jako oczywiste narzędzie służące umocnieniu władzy i przekonanie to pochodziło nie z tekstów europejskiego marksizmu, ale z doświadczenia i mentalnego ukształtowania sprawców. Stalin używał przemocy, kalkulując na zimno swoje posunięcia, gdyż grę ze śmiercią uważał za element mechanizmu władzy. Jednocześnie Stalin był mordercą, któremu zabijanie i zadawanie bólu sprawiało radość i który wykorzystywał argumenty ideologiczne, zapisane w kanonicznych tekstach teoretyków marksizmu, do tego, by móc na zewnątrz uzasadnić swoje przestępcze decyzje.
RU
В статье исследованы Всесоюзные переписи населения 1959 г., 1970 г., 1979 г. как основной источник для комплексного изучения динамики численности и территориального размещения украинцев в разных регионах УССР в течение 1960-х – 1970-х гг.; охарактеризовано национальную политику советской власти, которая руководствовалась приоритетом государственного общенационального единства всего «советского народа» и презирала ценность этнической нации. Выяснено, что Украина была одним из центров аккумулирования эмиграционных потоков в Советском Союзе, из-за чего многонациональное общество УССР, основу которого составляли украинцы, постепенно превращалось в двунациональное, где украинское большинство сосуществовало рядом с непрерывно растущим русским меньшинством. Такие переселения проводились прежде всего по политическим соображениям и были направлены на то, чтобы коренной народ терял свои национальные особенности – язык, культуру и тому подобное.
EN
The article analyses the All-Union censuses in 1959, 1970 and 1979 as a primary source for a comprehensive studying the population dynamics and the settlement of Ukrainians in different regions of the Ukrainian SSR during the 60’s–70’s of the XXth century. The article also describes the national policy of Soviet authorities which guided by the national priority of state and nationwide community of «the Soviet people» and ignored the value of an ethnic nation. The article brings the idea that Ukraine was one of the centers of accumulation of immigration flows in the Soviet Union, and because of this fact the multicultural Ukrainian SSR society, which constituted basically of the Ukrainians, gradually turned into bi-national, where Ukrainian majority coexisted along with continuously growing Russian minority. Such resettlements were carried out primarily for political reasons and were aimed at the loss by native people their national characteristics – language, culture and the like.
RU
В данной статье исследуется советская политика идеологизации, русификации культурно-образовательного пространства украинской нации конца 1950-х – 1960-х гг. и характеризуется становление и развертывание движения шестидесятников. Несмотря на всеобъемлющий контроль советского тоталитарного государства над мышлением человека, молодой творческий украинский актив продолжал оставаться той живой интеллектуальной силой, которая была способна адекватно анализировать общественно-политические процессы в Украине и стремилась к кардинальным изменениям в обществе того времени. Очерченный период ознаменовался появлением шестидесятников – нового поколения украинской национальной интеллигенции, выступившей в защиту национального языка, образования и культуры, свободы искусства. Вопреки сложным тогдашним общественно-политическим обстоятельствам в творческой жизни УССР произошло заметное культурное продвижение, насыщенное разнообразным спектром взглядов, идей и стремлений. В Украине проходил необратимый процесс национального самоопределения украинцев через культурно-образовательное пространство. Нонконформистские настроения в украинской среде положили начало постепенному переходу к новым демократическим нормам и стандартам жизни украинской нации.
EN
This article examines the Soviet policy of ideologization and, russification of the cultural and educational space of the Ukrainian nation in the late 1950s – 1960s and characterizes the formation and development of the movement of the Sixtiers. Despite the comprehensive control of the Soviet totalitarian state over human thinking, the young creative Ukrainian activist continued to be a living intellectual force that was able to adequately analyze socio-political processes in Ukraine and sought radical change in society at that time. This period was marked by the emergence of the Sixtiers – a new generation of Ukrainian national intelligentsia, who defended the national language, education and culture, freedom of artistic creativity. Despite the difficult socio-political circumstances of the time, a significant cultural progress took place in the creative life of the Ukrainian SSR, saturated with a diverse range of views, ideas and aspirations. In Ukraine, there was an irreversible process of national self-determination of Ukrainians through the cultural and educational space. Nonconformist sentiments in Ukrainian environment began a gradual transition to new democratic norms and standards in the life of the Ukrainian nation.
EN
In this article the author studies the elimination of the national element in the Ukrainian cinema of the 1960s and 1970s. The author explores the role and place of national-patriotic issues in Ukrainian cinematography, shows the ideological enslavement of filmmakers, studies the conditions of creative self-realization in the Ukrainian SSR, and analyses the influence of social and political factors on the cultural sphere of Ukrainian people in the outlined period. The representatives of Ukrainian cinema has always tried to popularize national features of their own people, but in the specified period, for censorship reasons, Ukrainian cinema began to be prohibited. The main reason is the struggle with the so-called “Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism”. For such an accusation it was enough to voice any film in Ukrainian and to fill its content with Ukrainian subjects. The characteristic features of Ukrainian cinematography of the 1960s – the early 1970s are as follows: subordination to the Soviet centralized command-administrative system, total control of the CPSU – CPU, russification, denationalization, persecution of all Ukrainian values under the pretext of forming a united Soviet nation.
RU
Партийные идеологи советского тоталитарного государства искусственно разрабатывали и активно внедряли в жизнь титульной нации УССР новую советскую обрядность, главной целью которой было воспитать из каждого украинца русифицированного человека советского типа без национальной идентичности. и религиозных убеждений, с русским сознанием, менталитетом и языком. В статье доказано, что исконные церковно-религиозные традиции и обычаи украинского народа продолжали оставаться частью повседневной культуры украинцев. Религиозная деятельность представителей украинского этноса особенно наблюдалась во время празднования Рождества, Крещения, Пасхи и других церковных праздников. И хотя количество приверженцев религиозных обрядов в республике было разным – от меньшего на Востоке до большего на Западе, христианские ценности, вопреки атеизации, продолжали оставаться основой духовной жизни абсолютного большинства украинцев.
EN
The party ideologues of the Soviet totalitarian state artificially developed and actively introduced into the life of the titular nation of the Ukrainian SSR a new Soviet ritualism, the main goal of which was to raise from every Ukrainian a Russified citizen of the Soviet type without national identity and religious beliefs, with a Russian consciousness, mentality and language. The article proves that the ancient church and religious traditions and customs of the Ukrainian people continued to be a part of the everyday culture of Ukrainians. The religious activity of representatives of the Ukrainian ethnic group was especially observed during the celebration of Christmas, Epiphany, Easter and other church holidays. And although the number of adherents of religious rites in the republic was different – from less in the East to more in the West, Christian values, despite atheism, continued to be the basis of the spiritual life of the absolute majority of Ukrainians.
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