Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Refine search results

Journals help
Authors help
Years help

Results found: 151

first rewind previous Page / 8 next fast forward last

Search results

Search:
in the keywords:  totalitarianism
help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 8 next fast forward last
1
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Początki teorii totalitaryzmu

100%
EN
In the political thought of the 20th century important role was performed by the theory of totalitarianism. It developed in the 20s in Europe, at first in Italy, then in many other countries – such as Germany and among political emigration from the Third Reich and Austria (after taking power by Hitler in these countries). Thanks to this political emigration the theory of totalitarianism pervaded into English language and spread in the political debates about shape of mankind. The rise of totalitarian theory was connected with the new political regimes, which tried to control all social behavior and to mobilize people for fighting to achieve governance over the world.
EN
The paper presents interpretations of the content of art. 256 of the Polish Penal Code of 1997 (The crime of public propagation of a fascist or other totalitarian governmental/state system), which were developed amid amendment in 2009. The most difficult problem for commentators, much like authors, about whom we have deliberated earlier, was to understand the complexity of the phenomenon of totalitarianism and the consequences resulting from accepting one of the competing concepts of totalitarianism. Similarly, interpretational problems led to misunderstandings of the concept of fascism and the state system. As a result, individual authors incorrectly found resemblance between the regulations contained in the Penal Code of 1969 and the regulation contained in art. 256 from 1997. In this paper we prove that the Polish Supreme Court and even Polish Constitutional Tribunal also had the same problem with the interpretation of the content of art. 256.
PL
Christa Wolf, pisarka z dawniej Niemieckiej Republiki Demokratycznej, urodziła się w Landsbergu nad Wartą w 1929 roku, obecnie Gorzowie Wielkopolskim. Wzrastała w okresie faszyzmu, którego ideologia bezpośrednio oddziaływała na młodą dziewczynę. Już w momencie ucieczki przed Armią Czerwoną w końcu stycznia 1945 roku, niespełna 16-letnia młoda kobieta stwierdziła, że jednocześnie zamyka swoje związki z faszyzmem. Odkryła nową fascynującą ideologię – socjalizm, była przekonana, że zgodnie z jego założeniami jej pokolenie zbuduje szczęśliwy kraj – Niemiecką Republikę Demokratyczną.W swoich książkach Christa Wolf rozlicza się z tymi dwoma ideologiami totalitarystycznymi. Ma pełną świadomość, że ani w planie indywidualnym, ani zbiorowym, społecznym, żadnej z tych ideologii nie da się całkowicie odrzucić. Krystyna Kamińska szczegółowo omawia zawartą w książkach Christy Wolf zarówno krytykę, jak i trwałość ideologii, w jakich przyszło żyć autorce. Z faszyzmem rozlicza się przede wszystkim we Wzorcach dzieciństwa, a z socjalizmem w Rozmyślaniach nad Christą T. i w Mieście aniołów.
EN
Christa Wolf was born in 1929 in Landsberg an der Warthe [Landsberg on the Warta river], now Gorzów Wielkopolski. As a young girl, she grew up in the fascist era and was directly influenced by its ideology. While fleeing from the Red Army at the end of January 1945, this young woman, less than 16 years old, stated that at once she put an end to her connections with fascism. Having discovered a new fascinating ideology – socialism, she was convinced that her generation would create a new, jubilant country according to its precepts, i.e., German Democratic Republic. In her books, Christa Wolf settles accounts with these two totalitarian ideologies. She is fully aware that neither of these ideologies can be totally rejected, whether on individual or collective-social plane. The author, Krystyna Kamińska, of the paper offers an in-depth discussion of Wolf’s criticism of the ideologies she had come to live in as well as her admission of their permanence. She deals with fascism mostly in “Patterns of childhood” [„Wzorce dzieciństwa”], and with socialism in “The Quest for Christa T.” [„Rozmyślania nad Christą T.”] and in “City of Angels” [„Miasto aniołów”].
EN
In the article the author presents selected threads in the debate about analogies between Islam understood as an overwhelming ideology and totalitarianism. In his view, despite many similarities Islam cannot be regarded as atotalitarian system, if totalitarianism denotes the form of political system that emerged in the 20th century. Islam is aunique ideological model and totalitarianism is not its best equivalent. It would be more appropriate to call Islam asystem of total theocracy, in which the power to pronounce judgements is often vested in lawyer theologians independent of the state apparatus.
EN
After the October Revolution different nations were forced to live together on the area of totalitarian Soviet Union. Their history got worse after the Second World War when Soviet soldiers and especially Stalyn were considered as winners and in this way they cold “colonise” new countries. Their citizens wanted to regain freedom in the 60’s and 70’s od twentieth century. They were called dissidents. One of the most famous modern Russian writers who presents these subject matters is Ludmila Ulitskaya – the representative of new realism whose books have been translated into 25 languages. In her novels and short stories she concentrates mainly on the silmilarities and differences between The Russians and other nations being under communistic control. Ulitskaya shows that some of them wanted to keep their identity by looking after their own tradition, religion, customs. The novelist tries to prove that it is possible to coexist with each other if you respect different habits and culture and if you desire to communicate with others using constructive dialogue.
EN
This study examines the classical theories of non-democratic regimes from the perspective of their possible qualifications as well as practical applicability. In the first part of this paper, the two main conceptions — totalitarianism and authoritarianism — as well as their modifications are investigated. The purpose of this investigation is to clear up some of the misconceptions associated with these terms. In the following part of the paper, the link between these theories and political practice is examined, both from a theoretical and practical point of view. In this respect, the author turns in his analysis predominantly to postwar communist Eastern Europe. The main aim of this paper is to back up these classic conceptions of political science, show their theoretical meaning and usefulness in practice.
EN
The paper presents interpretations of the content of art. 256 of the Polish Penal Code of 1997 (The crime of public propagation of a fascist or other totalitarian governmental system), which were developed before 2009. The most difficult problem for commentators, much like authors, about whom we have deliberated earlier, was to understand the complexity of the phenomenon of totalitarianism and the consequences resulting from accepting one of the competing concepts of totalitarianism. Similarly, interpretational problems led to misunderstandings of the concept of fascism and the governmental system. As a result, individual authors incorrectly found resemblance between the regulations contained in the Penal Code of 1969 and the regulation contained in art. 256 from 1997. In this paper we prove that the Polish Supreme Court also had the same problem with the interpretation of the content of art. 256.
EN
Professor Wiesław Kozub-Ciembroniewicz was one of the most often published authors in the journal Studies on Fascism and Nazi Crimes. Undoubtedly, it was related to the fact that the issues raised by him were new or relatively little known in Polish scholarly thought. The research effort of this Cracow scholar has left a clear mark not only on his direct pupils and successors but also on the vast circle of Polish researchers, especially those with doctrinal and historical-legal inclinations. The Authors believe that the scientific legacy of Professor Kozub-Ciembroniewicz will continue to be an inspiration for successive generations of lawyers, political scientists and historians for many years.
EN
The paper presents interpretations of the content of art. 256 of the Polish Penal Code of 1997 (The crime of public propagation of a fascist or other totalitarian governmental system), which were developed in the years 1998–2001. The most difficult problem for commentators was to understand the complexity of the phenomenon of totalitarianism and the consequences resulting from accepting one of the competing concepts of totalitarianism. Similarly, interpretational problems led to misunderstandings of the concept of fascism and the governmental system. As a result, individual authors incorrectly found resemblance between the regulations contained in the Penal Code of 1969 and the regulation contained in art. 256 from 1997.
XX
During 2017 numerous events related to the centenary of the Russian Revolution took place. December 2018 also marks the 100th anniversary of the birth of one of the most relevant figures in the understanding of totalitarianism: Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn. Between these two centenaries, this article provides a contribution to the understanding of the way in which the narrative, based on a biographical and autobiographical background, of Solzhenitsyn’s works allows the phenomenon of Terror to be faced.
EN
How did Russian political regime change after the “White Revolution”? The article makes a methodological, theoretical, and empirical contribution to the field of studies on the dynamics of non-democratic regimes, and especially the nature of the alterations within Putin’s Russia. The research field is the Russian political system determined by its three aspects: structure of political institutions, political awareness of public issues, and political mobilization between the “White Revolution” and the beginning of Putin’s fourth term. The paper solves the research problems by employing the qualitative analysis of sources and drawing on the critical analysis of the recent news. The analysis benefits from the use of Roman Bäcker’s analytical device, a theoretical framework made of the three continua whose extreme points are the indicators of authoritarianism and totalitarianism respectively. The research tool is to identify the essential features of Putin’s political regime. According to this model, bureaucracy or siloviki, emotional mentality, and social apathy are typical of authoritarianism. In turn, state-party apparatus, totalitarian gnosis, and controlled mass mobilization are the symptoms of totalitarianism. This article researches how the Russian political regime evolved from the “White Revolution” to the beginning of Putin’s fourth term. It tests the hypothesis that the system most likely evolved from a soft to hard military authoritarianism. The regime might have moved towards a hybrid regime made of the elements of authoritarianism and totalitarianism. It formulates the conclusion the Russian political regime is a hard military authoritarianism. After the fall of the “White Revolution”, most notably after the annexation of Crimea, few totalitarian elements were visible, mostly in the sphere of social awareness in the form of totalitarian political gnosis. In addition, the indicators of totalitarianism started to disappear from September 2014, especially the elements of totalitarian gnosis in the political discourse.
EN
The purpose of this paper is to identify and investigate the role of Romanian post-communist witness literature for contemporary historiography in outlining national and social (self-)images. This type of literature, written mostly by former political detainees, is perceived by literary criticism as a specific borderline segment partly relevant as historical documents and partly as literary texts. Applying the conceptual pattern coined by Giorgio Agamben. in his analysis based upon the national socialist concentration camp, to post-communist depositional literature reveals two focal directions of imagological relevance: on the one hand, the points of similarity and difference of totalitarian practices in creating stereotypes, cultivating the sense of absolute antagonist otherness and promoting distorted ethnic, social and national images and. on the other hand, the particular contributions and limitations posed by the post-totalitarian depositional discourse in (re)-creating national and social (self-)images.
EN
The study is devoted to the problem of the totalitarian regimes in the perception of Polish lawyers, sociologists, economists and historians in the interwar era (1918–1939). Poland in those times was one of the most vital centers in the Sovietology. Polish debates on the essential dimensions of the totalitarian systems belong to the most interesting from the perspective of seventy five years which divide us from the interwar era. The future of the phenomenon of the totalitarian (or “totalist”) regimes was discussed. Their durability was estimated as problematic. Polish lawyers viewed “total states” as extremely dynamic and based on the maximal mass mobilization, “ideocratic” legitimization of the authority and last but not last maximal concentration of power in the hands of the dictator or ruling elite.
EN
In the presented article the author is studying arguments occurring between the nationalism in its radical version and with poetry engendered in the environment of Polish national radicals in the 30. of XX century. These groups have often appealed to the Polish literary tradition, mainly of Romanticism and included in it (then taken over and reinterpretated by Polish nationalists) topoi (topoi of flight, youth, idealism).
15
Content available remote

Sartre a Merleau-Ponty tváří v tvář totalitarismu

57%
EN
An example of how difficult it was for some left-orientated French intellectuals to come to terms with information about the real situation in the Soviet Union is provided by the conflict between M. Merleau-Ponty and J.-P. Sartre in 1953, which led to Merleau-Ponty’s departure from the editorship of the review journal Temps modernes. Prior to this, in 1950, Sartre had lent his signature to an article in which Merleau-Ponty reacted to information coming out about the Soviet punitive and prison system by calling into question the very socialist character of the Soviet regime. After the outbreak of the Korean war, however, Sartre adopted an unequivally pro-Soviet and pro-communist standpoint and did not wish to see Temps modernes give space to the opinions of this opposing viewpoint. In this article we provide an analysis of the letters which the two philosophers exchanged on this matter
EN
The article consists of two parts. In the first part, the author of the article describes the history of the concept of totalitarianism and words used in the semantic field of that lexeme. In the theoretical fragments, the author describes the phenomenon of lexicographical and semantic researches on the word totalitarianism (also presents a history of that important word from the political vocabulary). The second part of the article is empirical. The author presents examples of how lexical meanings of totalitarianism were used in a very important period of history and a very important period for that word. The article describes the process of beginning to name totalitarianism and the semantic process of that concept during the Second World War.
EN
Where can a given political regime be placed at a given moment in the continuum between the ideal type of totalitarianism and authoritarianism? A precise response to the question is possible after we determine the subtypes in the intensity of the various features of the relevance criteria identifying totalitarian regimes: the party and state apparatus (its ability to rule effectively), controlled mobilisation of social masses and political gnosis. Depending on the intensity of these features we can distinguish various phases of totalitarianism situated over a continuum between its ideal type and authoritarianism.
EN
The beginning of the end of the demons of consent. Coming to terms with ideologisation in Slovak cultureThe first part of the article focuses on demonstrating the process of ideologisation in Slovak culture after 1948, i.e. after the beginning of communist rule. This reveals the initial fascination with the idea of communism among the creative community and its gradual enslavement. Additionally, on the one hand it examines the results of repressive measures of power, and on the other it looks at conformist intellectual circles. The second half discusses how Dominik Tatarka, a leading Slovak intellectual, deals with the mechanisms of cultural ideologisation and writers’ attitudes, which concluded in his fictional-political-autobiographical novel Demon of Consent (Démon súhlasu). This work reveals the writer’s strategy to show how the experience of totalitarianism fits with the concept of biblical eschatology. The writer does not, however, ignore the different idealised communist conceptualisations of the era, and often incorporates and combines visions of the tragic, ironic and sometimes grotesque. Finally, the article also takes into account the wider context of the writer’s changes in attitude and their consequences. Początek końca demonów zgody. Słowackie rozrachunki z ideologizacją kulturyPierwsza część artykułu koncentruje się na pokazaniu przebiegu procesu ideologizacji kultury słowackiej po roku 1948, czyli po przejęciu władzy przez komunistów. Odsłania początkowe fascynacje środowiska twórczego ideą komunizmu i stopniowe jego zniewalanie, będące rezultatem z jednej strony represyjnych posunięć władzy, z drugiej zaś – konformizmu środowisk intelektualnych. Druga część pokazuje rozrachunek jednego z czołowych słowackich intelektualistów, Dominika Tatarki, z mechanizmami ideologizacji kultury oraz postawami pisarzy, zawarty w jego fantastyczno-polityczno-autobiograficznej noweli Demon zgody (Démon súhlasu). Odsłonięta zostaje strategia pisarza, który doświadczenie totalitaryzmu wpisuje w horyzont eschatologiczno-biblijny. Nie rezygnuje przy tym z różnych konceptualizacji zideologizowanej rzeczywistości okresu komunizmu, przeplatając wizję tragiczną z ujęciem ironicznym, miejscami groteskowym. Artykuł uwzględnia też szerszy kontekst przemian postaw pisarza i ich konsekwencji.
EN
De-Sovietization became an important issue of the post-Soviet Ukrainian agenda, and the Russo-Ukrainian war gave a strong impetus to it. The subject matter of the present study is the instrumentality of literary translation in eliminating the Soviet ideology in independent Ukraine. The research is made within the sociological approach, which allows to describe the specific features of the sphere of literary translation, influenced by the sociopolitical and ideological factors. The research material includes the data on the translated texts published in contemporary Ukraine in the state bibliographical index and the catalogues of the leading Ukrainian publishers of foreign literature as well as para- and metatexts (translators and editors’ commentaries, interviews and publications in media).
EN
In this article we examine the careers of writers associated with the Sburătorul group (1918–1943), a literary circle formed on the basis of common tastes and aesthetic sensibilities, and present an analysis of its impact on them. A rather significant number of these writers submitted to the postwar ideology, agreeing to produce a literature that supported it. Others were imprisoned, and their work was banned. Others still were forced to end their artistic careers and accept various other literary work to earn a living (translation, children’s literature). Whether or not they made a ‘pact’ with the political regime, ultimately all were forced to sacrifice their careers. Irrespective of which line of action they took, they would never be able to capitalise on the literary preparation they had received during the interwar period as members of the Sburătorul group, nor on the writer’s life they had committed themselves to as a result of this experience. At the same time, however, the fact that Sburătorul was not simply a literary group but, thanks to its vast membership (more than 100 loyal members), a kind of micro-society allows us to make general observations about the modes in which the ‘drama’ of literature played out under totalitarianism.
first rewind previous Page / 8 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.