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EN
Regionalisation of trade policy is an increasingly common trend in the 21 st century. The European Union concluded its fist trade agreements in the 1970s, but at the end of the 1990s, it applied a de facto moratorium on such agreements. In 2005, this policy was changed, and the EU is a signatory to 35 agreements – creating either a free trade area or a customs union. The aim of the paper was to show how the European Union’s approach to concluding preferential trade agreements changed over the period of 1990–2017. The reasons for the EU’s increased interest in regionalisation and the development of regional links with partners in various regions of the world were presented, including selected key trade agreements.
PL
Regionalizacja polityki handlowej jest w XXI wieku coraz powszechniejszym trendem. Unia Europejska zawierała pierwsze umowy handlowe już w latach 70. XX wieku jednak pod koniec lat 90. XX wieku stosowała swoiste moratorium na tego typu porozumienia. Po 2005 roku ta polityka została zmieniona, a UE jest sygnatariuszem 35 porozumień o charakterze strefy wolnego handlu lub unii celnej.  Celem pracy jest pokazanie jak zmieniło się podejście Unii Europejskiej do zawierania preferencyjnych układów handlowych w analizowanym okresie 1990 -2017. Przedstawione zostaną przyczyny wzrostu zainteresowania UE regionalizacją oraz rozwój powiązań regionalnych z partnerami w różnych regionach świata, w tym wybrane najważniejsze umowy handlowe.
EN
The aim of this paper is to verify empirically whether the Specific Trade Concerns (STCs) regarding Technical Barriers to Trade (TBTs) notifications by WTO members can serve as an early warning system for past and future disputes (DS) covering allegedly trade restricting TBTs. WTO members, in order to increase transparency of trade policies, have made efforts to compile data on notified TBTs. For several years the WTO provides a TBT dataset, used in our paper, which covers the STCs raised by its members (“reverse” notifications). From 1995-2011, there have been 45 requests for consultation under the Dispute Settlement (DS) Body of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in order to identify possible violations of the technical barriers to trade (TBT) agreement. This paper attempts to find the linkages between DS cases citing the TBT agreement and the STC data regarding TBTs. The DS Body’s decisions regarding possible violations of the TBT agreement are discussed in detail. Afterwards, we analyze, descriptively and econometrically, the relationship between notified STCs and DS consultations regarding TBTs.
EN
Albania is a member of WTO from September 2000 and is currently in a deep and substantial transformation of the trade policy. Albanian trade regime is very liberal, open and transparent fully compliant with WTO law. Accession to EU is the strategic goal of all Governments after ’90s and alignment with EU acquis is at the core of any process. EU integration is an engine for the development in all candidate or potential candidate countries. This process requires the alignment of national policies and harmonization of the legislation. Trade policy is among the most developed policies in European Union and Albania. This is mainly due to the membership in World Trade Organization (WTO) and Free Trade Agreements (FTA) with the most important trading partners. The accession of Albania to EU will significantly affect the Albanian trade policy. This paper analyses the state of play of Albanian trade policy and presents the main developments in the EU Common Commercial Policy after the Lisbon Treaty (2009). Based on this analysis the paper highlights the implications for Albanian trade policy.
EN
United States and the European Union are the two main centers of the world economy. Both of these centers are each important trading partners in the field of trade in goods and services, capital flows in the form of foreign direct investment. The European Union’s relations with the United States there is both collaboration and competition. Despite the emerging tensions or even conflicts in the relationship both partners are allies and have a decisive impact on the liberalization of world trade, the ongoing process of the GATT/WTO. As part of strengthening transatlantic cooperation created a number of institutions and mechanisms to facilitate and support economic cooperation and signed a number of additional agreements aff ecting trade in mutual, for example, in terms of mutual recognition agreements, aimed at eliminating technical barriers to trade in goods. A negotiated agreement between the two largest economies on a free trade zone may constitute a turning point in transatlantic relations.
PL
The author considers the ongoing processes of globalization and division of labor, presented form the perspective of Kyrgyzstan’s economic development. Firstly, he introduced the theoretical background of his study, explaining the significance of economic growth, social stability, and the sustainability of the national economy. Then, he identified the prospects of globalization and integration. In the Kyrgyzstan case study, the author present the structure of Kyrgyz foreign trade and international, economic cooperation, emphasizing the roles of Russian Federation, the People’s Republic of China, and Kazakhstan. It enabled him to inquire about the possible advantages and disadvantages of the future integration of Kyrgyzstan with specialized structures of the Eurasian Economic Community: EurAsEC Customs Union, and the Common Economic Space, which were recognized by the Kyrgyz Government in December 2010, as the main aim of foreign and trade policies. He also compared them to Kyrgyz national interests, paying special attention to bilateral trade balances with Russian, Kazakhstan, and Belarus  and to the importance of customs taxes and duties as the state’s revenue sources. The author ends with by concluding that the accession to the Union may seriously affect the Kyrgyz economy.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14761
EN
Dynamic changes taking place in the global economy make it necessary to function in a complex and unstable economic environment, to which economies must constantly adapt. This compels entities such as the European Union to systematically review and appropriately shape its foreign policy, which involves taking actions to build resilience to crises and secure commercial interests. Particularly in view of the weakening position of the organisation globally managing international trade, the EU focuses on the implementation of Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs), which are an increasingly important element of EU trade policy and are aimed at strengthening the EU’s competitive position in the global economy and building resilience to crises, which bolsters its economic defence. These aspects constitute an important and current research problem, especially in the context of current events in the global economy. The aim of this article is to present EU trade agreements in the context of their importance for the economic defence of the trade bloc, as well as to analyse the changes that have been introduced in the EU trade policy in the last two decades in relation to this issue. The analysis is based mainly on original materials and scientific studies on EU trade policy, as well as data from the European Commission and the World Trade Organisation (WTO). The analytical and descriptive methods were mainly used. The results of the analysis carried out in the article showed that the implemented trade agreements lead to the strengthening of the competitive position of the EU and the strengthening of economic defence. By taking these actions, the EU is perceived as a pillar of the economic security of the Member States.
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2012
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vol. 11
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issue 1
EN
In January 1994, the European Community and Australia signed the Agreement on Trade in Wine. Considering the dramatic changes in the international wine market, this strategy of policy coordination is hardly surprising. In the late 80s and early 90s the dynamic and highly competitive newcomers from countries like Australia and the USA have broken the domination of European producers for the first time. What is astonishing though is the fact that the arrangement was reached in the final phase of the Uruguay Round negotiations, three months before the signing of the Marrakech Agreement that regulated the trade of agricultural products. But neither Brussels nor Canberra settled for this first arrangement, and fourteen years later they signed another Wine Agreement. The article presents the results of analysis of the political debate and legal actions preceding the two Wine Agreements between the EC and Australia. The main focus is on the political and economic factors explaining the 1994 EC-Australia Agreement on Trade in Wine as well as the motivation for the update of this arrangement in 2008. The author argues that the agreement can be explained in terms of the interests of wine producers. The proposed explanation is based on Andrew Moravcsik’s theory of national preference formation.
EN
The first difficulty in liberalization agricultural trade stemmed from his position as the United States and the application of ny quantitative restriction. But then the main reason for the exclusion of agriculture from the negotiations was the first position of the EWG, and then of the European communities. Community countries already in the mid-sixties introduced protectionist common agricultural policy (CAP: Common Agricultural Policy). Generally speaking, liberal trade policy brings benefits in comparison with protectionism. This was reflected in the main principles of the international trade policy in the framework of the WTO and the EU. Also the introduction and opening of the Polish economy was made possible thanks to the progressive liberalization of this policy. The most important were tariff reductions resulting from the agreements of the WTO and of the Europe agreement with the EU.
PL
Lata członkostwa Polski w Unii Europejskiej były okresem szybkiego rozwoju polskiej wy-miany handlowej z krajami spoza ugrupowania, w tym z Rosją. W latach 2004-2013 wartość polskiego eksportu do Rosji wzrosła trzyipółkrotnie, z 2,3 mld euro do 8,1 mld euro, natomiast importu - prawie 3,7 razy, z 5,1 mld euro do 18,7 mld euro. Dopro-wadziło to do znacznego pogłębienia deficytu Polski w handlu z Rosją. Jego wysokość wzrosła prawie czterokrotnie - z 2,8 mld euro do 10,6 mld euro. W artykule przedstawiono warunki i wyniki polsko-rosyjskiej wymiany dobrami materialnymi we wspomnianym okresie. Stwierdzono, że w znaczącej mierze kształtowały się one pod wpływem czynników nie związanych bezpośrednio z członkostwem Polski w UE. W szczególności, członkostwo nie wpłynęło na zwiększenie stabilności handlu pol-sko-rosyjskiego. Zweryfikowało natomiast negatywnie wcześniejsze oczekiwania władz polskich na wzmocnienie pozycji Polski w sporach handlowych z Rosją i na równe traktowanie przez Rosję wszystkich państw członkowskich UE. Rok 2014 obfituje w kolejne przykłady swobodnego wykorzystywania przez Rosję środków polityki handlowej do celów politycznych, wbrew przyjętym przez nią zobowiązaniom mię-dzynarodowym. Środki te są w dużej mierze skierowane przeciwko Polsce, która otwarcie skry-tykowała Rosję za aneksję Krymu i wspieranie separatystów we wschodniej Ukrainie, a także opowiadała się za nałożeniem na nią sankcji z tego powodu.
EN
Years of Poland's membership in the European Union were a period of rapid development of Polish trade with third countries, including Russia. In the years 2004-2013, the value of Polish exports to Russia increased 3.5 times, from 2.3 billion euros to 8.1 billion euros, while imports - nearly 3.7 times, from 5.1 billion euros to 18.7 billion euros. This has led to a significant deepening of the Polish trade deficit with Russia. Its value has almost quadrupled - from 2.8 billion euros to 10.6 billion euros. In the article, there are presented conditions and results of Polish-Russian merchandise trade in the mentioned period. It was found that they were shaped - to a significant extent - by the factors not directly related to Polish membership in the EU. In particular, the EU membership had no effect on stability of Polish-Russian trade relations. More, it verified negatively the previous expectations of the Polish authorities as it comes to strengthening Poland's position in trade disputes with Russia and to equal treatment by Russia of all EU member states. The year 2014 is full of new examples of the free use of trade policy instruments by Russia's authorities for political purposes, contrary to its international obligations. These measures are largely directed against Poland, which has openly criticised Russia for the annexation of Crimea and support for separatists in Eastern Ukraine, as well as advocated the imposition of sanctions against this country.
EN
The author analyses the very complex relationship between bilateralism, regionalism, and multilateralism in the global trade liberalization agenda. The United States, one of the biggest promoters of trade liberalization through multilateral negotiations, shifted its focus to bilateralism and regionalism in mid-80’s. This shift reflected changes in global economy, end of the US economic dominance, and stagnation of the multilateral negotiations. Major economic powers, including regional semipowers, started to compete for trade preferences. Today, global economy is filled with a dense network of regional and bilateral agreements, which offer signatories to proceed in trade liberalization beyond the WTO agenda. Although sub-Saharan Africa is the most marginalized region, it is also part of this network. Trade relations between the US and Africa developed in last 15 years under the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), unilateral trade preference regime allowing African states duty-free access to the US market. However, as the case study of East African Community member states reveals, the benefit is very limited and very likely will not lead to any substantial changes in trade patterns in Africa.
CS
Autor analyzuje složité vztahy mezi bilateralismem, regionalismem a multilateralismem v agendě celosvětové liberalizace obchodu. Spojené státy, jeden z největších propagátorů liberalizace obchodu prostřednictvím mnohostranných jednání, přesunuly v polovině 80. let svůj zájem k bilaterálním a regionálním dohodám. Tento posun odráží změny v globální ekonomice, konec ekonomické dominance USA a stagnaci mnohostranných jednání. Hlavní ekonomické velmoci začaly soutěžit o získání co největších obchodních preferencí. Dnes je globální ekonomika vyplněna hustou sítí regionálních a dvoustranných dohod, které nabízejí signatářům možnost pokračovat v liberalizaci obchodu i nad rámec agendy Světové obchodní organizace. Ačkoli subsaharská Afrika je nejvíce marginalizovaným regionem světové ekonomiky, je také součástí této sítě. Obchodní vztahy mezi USA a Afrikou se vyvinuly zejména v posledních patnácti letech na bázi African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA). Jedná se o jednostranný obchodní preferenční režim, který umožňuje africkým státům bezcelní přístup na americký trh. Jak ale ukazuje případová studie Východoafrického společenství, výhody plynoucí z AGOA jsou pro většinu afrických států velmi omezené a je velmi pravděpodobné, že AGOA nepřinese žádné podstatné změny ve struktuře obchodu v Africe.
PL
Celem artykułu jest analiza polityki handlowej Unii Europejskiej wobec Chin w kontekście zmian jakie są związane z wygaśnięciem okresu przejściowego członkostwa Chin w WTO, które nastąpiło w grudniu 2016 roku. Wygaśnięcie owego okresu przejściowego wymusza na Unii Europejskiej pewne zamiany zwłaszcza w postępowaniach antydumpingowych. Dla zrealizowania celu pracy przyjęto że przyznanie lub nie statusu gospodarki rynkowej Chinom jest przede wszystkim decyzją polityczną wymagającą uwzględniani sprzecznych interesów państw członkowskich UE.
EN
The aim of this paper is to analyze the European Union’s trade policy with regard to China in the context of the changes related to the expiry of the transitional period of China’s membership of the WTO in December 2016. The expiry of this transitional period necessitates certain changes in anti-dumping proceedings of the European Union. In order to achieve the purpose of the paper it has been assumed that granting or denying market economy status to China is primarily a political decision which requires taking into account contradictory interests of the EU member states.
EN
The changing situation in the world economy is connected with growing competition on global markets. This new situation creates growing possibilities for some, for others loss of gains. The goal of the European Union is to be more competitive on the world market and to keep the leading position in world trade. The article focuses on an assessment of the EU trade strategy "Global Europe: Competing in the world", that was carried out in the period 2006 - 2010. The analysis is provided in three steps. First of all, changes in the world economy as a factor influencing trade policy are shown. Secondly, the main priority areas of trade strategy are described. Finally, the progress achieved in the Global Europe strategy is analysed. Conclusions are based on method of deduction and calculation of changes in the EU's market share, trade integration and trade balance in 2006 - 2010. The results of trade analysis showed that preferential trade agreement is not a sufficient instrument for increasing trade and that more trade opportunities do not always have to mean lower unemployment.
PL
Zapewnienie bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego nadal stanowi poważne wyzwanie dla rządów wielu krajów. Celem artykułu jest analiza sytuacji w zakresie bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego w krajach rozwijających się z uwzględnieniem prowadzonej przez tę grupę krajów polityki handlowej. W szczególności omawiane są skutki liberalizacji handlu dla dostępności i ekonomicznej osiągalności żywności. Analizowane są również środki i posunięcia w sferze polityki handlowej podejmowane przez wybrane kraje rozwijające się w odpowiedzi na kryzys żywnościowy spowodowany wzrostem światowych cen artykułów rolno-spożywczych. Z badań prowadzonych metodą studiów literatury i analizy statystycznej danych FAO wynika, że każda z głównych opcji – większa liberalizacja lub protekcjonizm – pociąga za sobą pewne koszty i jest powiązana z innymi dziedzinami polityki gospodarczej. Najwłaściwsza strategia poprawy bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego powinna polegać na kombinacji działań prowadzących do wzrostu produktywności w rolnictwie, poprawy przejrzystości i stabilności przepisów oraz większej ogólnej otwartości handlowej, przy zachowaniu pewnego zakresu specjalnego i zróżnicowanego traktowania krajów rozwijających się w handlu międzynarodowym.
EN
Ensuring food security continues to be a challenge for many governments. This article aims to analyse the situation of food security in developing countries in the context of their trade policy. In particular it discusses the effects of trade liberalisation on the supply and availability of food. It also analyses the trade policy actions and measures taken by selected developing countries in response to the food crisis caused by rising prices of agricultural products. Based on a review of the literature and analysis of FAO statistical data, the study indicates that both of the main options – greater liberalisation or protectionism – entail certain costs and are linked to other areas of economic policy. The most appropriate strategy to improve food security seems to rely on a combination of actions leading to increased agricultural productivity, greater transparency and regulatory stability and greater trade openness, while maintaining a range of special and differential treatments for developing countries in international trade.
PL
W artykule omówiono najważniejsze ograniczenia polityki proeksportowej Polski, które wynikają z jej zobowiązań podjętych na forum międzynarodowym. Przedstawione zostały zasady i narzędzia wspierania eksportu obowiązujące członków Światowej Organizacji Handlu, Organizacji Współpracy Gospodarczej i Rozwoju oraz Unii Europejskiej. Ograniczenie zakresu dostępnych dla Polski instrumentów polityki proeksportowej rodzi potrzebę doskonalenia dopuszczalnych narzędzi wspierania eksportu i poprawy efektywności ich wykorzystania.
EN
The systemic measures oriented towards stimulating Polish exports include treaty arrangements, financial, informational and promotional support. These instruments are governed by the rules and restrictions imposed by GATT/WTO, OECD and European Union. The objective of this article is to present these organisations’s main regulations governing the support for exports and to analyse the consequences of implementing them for Poland’s system for supporting exports.
EN
Until today, the years 1919-1939, i.e. the interwar period, is sometimes presented as the time of the clash of two outstanding personalities - Jozef Pilsudski and Roman Dmowski. Only the former was able to take over the full political power in the country, and thus - an almost unlimited possibility of implementing his own political vision, including into this impact on Poland's position on the geopolitical chessboard. After gaining power in May 1926, he had a chance to implement his concept of the Intermarium, i.e. an informal alliance of states in the Baltic-Adriatic-Black Sea area. This idea was not put into practice and the trade policy pursued by the authorities of the Second Commonwealth of Poland was a significant reason for it. This policy was completely unsuited to the needs of integration with the states of the three seas. It was clearly protectionist in nature and thus export-oriented, which was most evident during the crisis of the 1930s.  
PL
Do dziś lata 1919-1939, czyli okres dwudziestolecia międzywojennego, są przedstawiane jako czas starcia dwóch wybitnych osobowości – Józefa Piłsudskiego i Romana Dmowskiego. Tylko pierwszemu z nich dane było przejąć pełnię władzy politycznej w kraju, a co za tym idzie –  prawie nieograniczoną możliwość realizowania własnych wizji politycznych, w tym tych dotyczących położenia Polski na szachownicy geopolitycznej. Po zdobyciu władzy w maju 1926 r. pojawiła się przed nim szansa urzeczywistnienia wysuwanej przez siebie koncepcji Międzymorza, czyli nieformalnego sojuszu państw obszaru bałtycko-adriatycko-czarnomorskiego. Idea ta nie została wcielona w życie i wydatnym tego powodem była prowadzona przez władze II Rzeczypospolitej polityka handlowa. Była ona kompletnie nienastawiona na potrzeby integracji z państwami rejonu trzech mórz. Miała ona wyraźnie protekcjonistyczny charakter, a tym samym proeksportowe nastawienie, co było najlepiej widoczne w czasie kryzysu lat trzydziestych.
PL
Artykuł jest poświęcony postępowaniom antydumpingowym wszczętym w latach 1995–2012 przez UE. Została w nim krótko opisana zasada stosowania antydumpingu przez UE. Przedstawiona na poziomie ośmiocyfrowej dezagregacji (kody towarowe CN8) udział towarów objętych postępowaniami antydumpingowymi w wartości importu. Struktura tych kodów towarowych importu objętych postępowaniami antydumpingowymi. z uwagi na zasobochłonność oraz w pogrupowaniu na działy produkcji (HS2). Przedstawiono analizę ujawnionej przewagi komparatywnej dla tych kodów towarowych na podstawie zmodyfikowanego wskaźnika Ballasy oraz wskaźnika Grupp/Leglera dla których wszczęte zostały postępowania antydumpingowe przez UE.
EN
Anti-dumping policy is an important instrument of trade policy as far as protecting markets against dishonest practices of foreign suppliers is concerned and it is compliant with international regulations such as e.g. these set by the World Trade Organisation. Generally, dumping concerns exporting commodities at lower prices than a selling price of commodities (so-called normal value). Anti-dumping policy uses appropriate preventive means against dishonest practices in a situation when:- commodity was brought to customs territory of an importing country at dumping prices,- import inflicted damage (or threatens to do it) to importing country’s industry. The first principles of anti-dumping policy were formulated in 1964 at the United Nations Conference and Development UNCTAD. The agreement was signed by 194 countries, including Poland. A similar agreement was also signed by the European Union countries. One of the types of agreements is tariff agreements in which a tool used as a system of cataloguing commodities in international trade is so-called Combined Nomenclature (CN). The system is used in customs proceedings and for registration needs. Anti-dumping proceedings also use HS classification system formulated by the World Customs Organization. The aim of the paper is to determine the proportion of goods covered by anti-dumping proceedings in the value of import conducted by the European Union between 1995–2012. In the empirical research the eight-digit commodity codes CN8 were used as well as HS2 codes that allow grouping imported commodities covered by anti-dumping proceedings by their manufacturing divisions. In that way a determined classification of commodities was used to describe a comparative advantage. To conduct assessment the modified Ballasa index (Bi) and Grupp/Legler index were used. The result of conducted analysis is determination of groups of commodities that are crucial for export of a given country.
Management
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2015
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vol. 19
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issue 2
152-167
EN
The main objective of this article is to present the determinants of increase in agricultural commodity prices after 2006. The other specific aim is to show the factors affecting agricultural raw materials and food prices in the global context. This article is a review paper of the determinants of recent commodity and food prices spikes. However, it provides an outlook on these determinants that were the most important for the increases in the last decade. The last part of the article (conclusions) to some extent is a synthesis of considerations and includes the authors’ opinions concerning determinants and an attempt to identify which ones were the most important in the growth of agricultural commodity prices. These increases in agricultural commodity prices resulted from many factors and it is very difficult to separate the individual impact of each of them, because they occurred in parallel. However, it is possible to indicate several main reasons for these price increases, which are: adverse changes in supply-demand relations in agricultural markets, increases in oil prices (and increases of the volatility of those prices), development of biofuel production from agricultural commodities (the first generation biofuels), dollar depreciation, an increase in operations of a speculative nature on commodity markets and improper economic policy that created an environment for the growth of prices of agricultural products.
PT
Rússia e Brasil são países com grande potencial econômico que desenvolvem sua participação no sistema internacional de comércio de maneira crescente. O artigo analisa comparativamente a evolução recente do comércio destes países, além das medidas atuais de política comercial adotada. Observa-se que os países registram características distintas nos dois níveis de análise, mas apresentam importantes pontos de convergência potencial para a formação de futuros acordos estratégicos
EN
Russia and Brazil are countries with great economic potential and fast development in their participation in the international trading system. This article aims to present a comparative analysis of the recent development of trade in these countries, in addition to current trade policy mechanisms adopted. It is observed that the two countries have different characteristics in the two levels of analysis, but present significant points of potential convergence for the formation of future strategic alliances
EN
The process of disintegration, leading to the collapse of international trade and production ties, brings with it a decrease in economic efficiency as manifested in a decrease in GDP, a slowdown in technological changes, internal and external imbalances, a decrease in international competitiveness of the economy and, as a result, a decrease in wellfare. The aim of the article is to define the essence of economic disintegration in the light of the theory of international economics and selected disintegration experiences, bearing in mind the outcomes for potential future such processes. In the paper, against the background of theoretical considerations concerning disintegration, three models of disintegration are distinguished, which are related to the modern world economy – the model of a disintegration caused by political reasons (example of the CMEA); the model of gradual disintegration presented in the context of market transformation processes (the split of Czechoslovakia); the exit from an integration grouping model, considered in the context of implications for European cooperation and the world economy (Brexit).
PL
Proces dezintegracji, prowadząc do załamania międzynarodowych powiązań handlowych i produkcyjnych, niesie ze sobą obniżenie efektywności gospodarowania przejawiające się w spadku PKB, spowolnieniu przemian technologicznych, zakłóceniach równowagi wewnętrznej i zewnętrznej, obniżeniu międzynarodowej konkurencyjności gospodarki, a w efekcie spadku dobrobytu. Celem artykułu jest określenie istoty dezintegracji gospodarczej w świetle teorii ekonomii międzynarodowej oraz wybranych doświadczeń dezintegracyjnych, mając na uwadze płynące stąd wnioski dla potencjalnych procesów tego typu, jakie mogą zajść w przyszłości. W artykule, na tle teoretycznych rozważań dotyczących dezintegracji, wyodrębniono trzy jej modele mające odniesienie do współczesnej gospodarki światowej – model rozpadu ugrupowania integracyjnego z przyczyn politycznych (przykład RWPG); model gradualnej dezintegracji rozpatrywany w kontekście procesów transformacji rynkowej (podział Czechosłowacji); model wyjścia z ugrupowania integracyjnego analizowany w kontekście implikacji dla współpracy europejskiej oraz gospodarki światowej (brexit).
EN
Dynamic changes occurring in the structure of world economy are reflected in the activities of particular countries which, owing to the multilateral negotiations stalemate, have been searching for alternative opportunities to access other markets. The analysis of the transformations which have taken place clearly indicates that new trends in world trade have emerged, which is manifested, among other things, by concluding new RTAs, among which the mega-regional trade blocs (MRTAs) are of paramount importance to world economy. This certainly included the TPP, which had been subject to negotiations by 12 countries at various levels of economic development. As a result of the increasingly protectionist measures taken by President Trump, the U.S., which had been a key player of the TPP, withdrew from the agreement. However, taking into account the significance of the TPP, both for its individual members, as well as world economy, the remaining 11 members decided to reactivate the agreement without its key partner since it is collectively regarded as the driving force for the regional economic integration. Thus, the resumption of the transpacific trade deal under the name Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) is pivotal from the perspective of its member states, the Asia-Pacific region, as well as world economy. It is particularly important since the success of the agreement will determine who will be deciding on the rules of trade not only in the region but even in global economy.
PL
Dynamiczne zmiany zachodzące w strukturze gospodarki światowej znajdują swoje odzwierciedlenie w działaniach poszczególnych państw, które – w związku z kryzysem na forum negocjacji wielostronnych – poszukują alternatywnych możliwości korzystniejszego dostępu do innych rynków. Analiza zachodzących zmian jednoznacznie wskazuje, że pojawiły się nowe trendy w handlu światowym, co przejawia się m.in. w tworzeniu kolejnych regionalnych umów handlowych (RTAs), z których mega-regionalne bloki handlowe (MRTAs) są szczególnie istotne dla gospodarki światowej. Do takich bez wątpienia należało TPP, które było negocjowane przez 12 państw o różnym poziomie rozwoju gospodarczego. W efekcie narastających działań protekcjonistycznych Trumpa, USA – członek o kluczowym znaczeniu – wycofały się z porozumienia. Biorąc jednak pod uwagę znaczenie TPP zarówno dla poszczególnych członków, jak i gospodarki światowej, pozostałych 11 państw zdecydowało o jego reaktywacji bez kluczowego partnera, uważając porozumienie za szczególną siłę napędową regionalnej integracji gospodarczej. Dlatego też wznowienie porozumienia transpacyficznego pod nazwą Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) jest tak istotne zarówno z punktu widzenia jego uczestników, regionu Azji Pacyfiku, jak i gospodarki światowej. Od sukcesu tej umowy może bowiem zależeć, kto będzie decydował o regułach handlu w regionie, a w nawet gospodarce globalnej.
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