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PL
W czasach poprzedzających powstanie neoplatonizmu (I-III wiek przed Chr.) filozofowie zwani dziś medioplatonikami snuli rozbudowaną refleksję na temat możliwości poznania Boga oraz dróg prowadzących do zdobycia wiedzy o tym, co transcendentne. Zgodnie ze słowami Platona: „Znaleźć Twórcę i Ojca tego wszechświata jest rzeczą trudną, lecz znalazłszy Go, jest niemożliwe opowiadać o Nim wszystkim” (PLATO, Timaeus 28c) medioplatonicy uważali, że Bóg, którego utożsamiali niekiedy z platońskim Jednem i Dobrem, jest poznawalny, lecz niewyrażalny. Choć poznaniu Boga towarzyszy trud związany z procesem intelektualnego i etycznego doskonalenia się, a to, co poznane w tym procesie, jest niemożliwe do wypowiedzenia w ludzkim języku, to jednak wiedza o Bogu i upodobnienie się do Niego jest celem wszelkiej filozofii platońskiej. Do podobnych wniosków dochodzili myśliciele żydowscy i chrześcijańscy tworzący w tym samym czasie, tacy jak Filon z Aleksandrii, Klemens z Aleksandrii czy Orygenes, zaliczani niekiedy również do grona filozofów medioplatońskich. W odróżnieniu od swych pogańskich kolegów, uważali oni jednak, że proces poznawania Boga przez człowieka będzie trwał w nieskończoność, a skończony ludzki umysł nigdy nie będzie w stanie objąć w zupełności tego, co nieskończone. Za nieskończoną bowiem uznawali istotę i moc Boga. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest ukazanie związku między nieskończonością a niepoznawalnością Boga, a zarazem wskazanie na różnice w tezach stawianych w tej kwestii przez medioplatoników pogańskich i tych, którzy przyjmowali Objawienie judeo-chrześcijańskie.
EN
In the times preceding the emergence of Neo-Platonism (1st–3rd century BC), the philosophers now known as Middle Platonists elaborated an extensive reflection on the possibility of knowing God, and the ways that could lead to acquiring knowledge about the transcendent. According to Plato, “To discover the Maker and Father of this Universe were a task indeed; and having discovered Him, to declare Him unto all men were a thing impossible” (PLATO, Timaeus 28c). The Middle Platonists believed that God, whom they sometimes identified with the Platonic One and Good, is possible to know but not possible to express. Even though the knowledge of God is accompanied by all the difficulties associated with the process of intellectual and ethical improvement, and although what one comes to know in this process is ultimately impossible to express in human language, gaining knowledge of God and becoming like Him is nevertheless the goal of all Platonic philosophy. Jewish and Christian thinkers working at this time came to similar conclusions. These include Philo of Alexandria, Clement of Alexandria, and Origen, who are themselves sometimes deemed Middle-Platonic philosophers. Unlike their pagan colleagues, they believed that man’s process of coming to know God would go on forever. They thought that the finite human mind would never be able to contain the infinite, and they held that the essence and power of God are indeed infinite. The goal of this article is to expose the relationship between the infinity and the unknowability of God, and at the same time to point out the differences in the theses put forward on this question by pagan Middle Platonists and those who accepted Judeo-Christian revelation.
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PL
Wielu współczesnych analitycznych filozofów religii próbowało odpowiedzieć na ateistyczny argument z ukrycia, który został przedstawiony przez Johna L. Schellenberga w 1993 r. W niniejszym artykule autor koncentruje się na zarzutach, jakie wysuwał Søren Kierkegaard względem koncepcji wiary, jaką można spotkać m.in. w tekstach Schellenberga. Myśl autora żyjącego 150 lat przed sformułowaniem argumentu z ukrycia pozwala nam wychwycić te jego założenia, które zazwyczaj są przemilczane. Można np. przypuszczać, że Kierkegaard podałby w wątpliwość twierdzenie Schellenberga, że najlepszym świadectwem umożliwiającym rozwój wzajemnej relacji między Bogiem a człowiekiem jest przeżycie akceptującej obecności Boga w ludzkiej świadomości. Kierkegaard argumentował w swych pracach, że wyłącznie ukrycie Boga gwarantuje wolną i bezinteresowną relację między Bogiem a ludźmi. Pokazuje to, stosując język metafor, w których porównuje wiarę do miłości małżeńskiej, życie człowieka do egzaminu oraz relację między Bogiem a człowiekiem do relacji między królem a sługą. Ten sposób rozumowania ujawnia wagę roli obrazów Boga w refleksji filozofów parających się argumentem z ukrycia.
EN
More than a few contemporary analytical philosophers of religion have tried to answer the atheistic argument from hiddenness presented in 1993 by John L. Schellenberg. In the paper the author focuses on the objections raised by Søren Kierkegaard with respect to the concept of faith that is displayed in Schellenberg’s philosophy of religion. The insight from the author living 150 years before the current debate allows us to notice the premises of the hiddenness argument that are commonly overlooked. One can, i.e. suppose that Kierkegaard would cast doubt on Schellenberg’s claim that the best evidence allowing the development of a mutual relationship between God and the human being is an experience of an accepting presence of God in human consciousness. Kierkegaard argues in his works that only the hiddenness of God guarantees a free and a selfless relationship between men and God. He shows this in a colourful language of metaphors in which he compares faith to conjugal love; a human life to an exam and a relationship between God and the human being to a relationship between a king and a female servant. This way of reasoning reveals the importance of the role of the images of God in the reflections of philosophers tackling the hiddenness argument.
EN
The metaphor of the sun, in which Plato (Republic 509b) compares the idea of the Good to the sun that dwells above the earth yet affects the phenomena occurring on it, was an inspiration for both heretical and orthodox theology in the first Christian centuries. The Gnostics, Clement of Alexandria and Origen all believed that God, like the Platonic idea of the Good, is radically transcendent in relation to the world, but at the same time is the cause of everything that exists in it. Unlike Plato, who believed that the idea of the Good is knowable and can be the subject of science, the Christian theologians of the first centuries believed that God was like a blinding light. This means that God, according to them, though intelligible, is unknowable in His essence. Therefore, God cannot be the subject of science. Another modification of the Platonic metaphor was the introduction of the element of sunlight, to which the philosopher from Athens did not refer. For the Gnostics, the rays of the sun were “eons” – spiritual beings that existed in the space between the first principle of all things and the material world. For Clement and Origen, the light that comes from the sun was the Son – the power and wisdom of God. In contrast to the Gnostics, who believed in the progressive degradation of the spiritual world through successive emanations, the Alexandrian Fathers believed that the Son possessed all the knowledge of God and therefore revealed to man the true God. Yet the revelation of God by the Son, and even the grace that assists human beings in the process of learning about God, do not give man complete knowledge of the essence of God. Thus the Gnostics, Clement and Origen, despite some doctrinal differences, all accepted the concept of the radical transcendence of God on the ontological and epistemological levels.
Vox Patrum
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2018
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vol. 69
493-526
EN
The medieval dispute over the absolute and the ordered, power of God (poten­tia Dei absoluta et potentia Dei ordinata) began with a tract by Peter Damian entitled De divina omnipotentia. One of the questions posed in this work was whether God could indeed do everything, including those things that God did not in fact do. The same question, and a similar answer, appears in Origen’s work Contra Celsum: God can do everything except that which is evil. The impossibi­lity of doing evil, however, does not diminish the omnipotence of God, because evil, is by its very nature, non-being. Beyond that, Origen, in numerous statements appearing in his exegetical works, distinguishes between the absolute power of God, which is infinite, and the power of God that creates the world and operates within it, which has a certain God-given limit – that is, this power is adapted to the abilities of the creatures who receive it. The purpose of this article is to show that, in the light of the distinction of the potentia Dei absoluta and the potentia Dei or­dinata, fragments of De principiis (II 9.1 and IV 4.8), in which a finite world and finite power of God are posited, can be interpreted in a new way. Many contem­porary scholars, on the basis of these fragments, conclude that Origen inherited from the Greek philosophers a negative understanding of infinity as something imperfect, but the analysis carried out in this article shows something different. In talking about a certain range of God’s power, which is available to creatures, or in which creatures participate only partially, Origen does not actually exclude the proposition that, in God himself, power – existing in an absolute way – can be infinite.
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