Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 10

first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last

Search results

Search:
in the keywords:  transformation,
help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
EN
The Armenian Apostolic Church has played a very important role in Armenia’s social developments. Due to the Church’ role in the nation’s history, it has become of the most significant institutions in the lives of Armenians. The article is an attempt at showing the role of the Armenian Apostolic Church in the process of system transformation in Armenia. The author indicates its privileged role and the difficulties accompanying acceptance of other denominations in Armenia. Attention is also paid to the Church’s close cooperation with the political elites.
EN
The aim of the article is the characteristics of the process of political rivalry and the process of consolidation of democracy in Poland in the past 20 years. The main research question posed in the article: political rivalry was the main determinant affecting the process of consolidation of democracy in Poland. The electoral and parliamentary coalitions are characterized. The article has a interdisciplinary research problem will be analysed on a basis of politologie, be a different sociology and philosophies. Attempt to answer the research question, can make a significant contribution to the further exploration of the process of consolidation of democracy in Poland.
EN
The issues of civic participation in configurations of movements, associations, organizations and associations as a potential catalyst of democratic transformation of democratic processes in modern Ukraine are examined in the article. Civic participation is understood as the methods and means of communication in the form of exchanges outlined by institutional and value ordering system. It is studied that an important incentive for a citizen’s participation in social and political life is trust/distrust, which acts as a catalyst, a specific type of communication links that makes development of socio-political sphere more dynamic. Distrust is the special type of communication links, which creates political control and demand of accountability from institutions of political power. It was investigated that civic participation through displays of communication capacity, has an ability to implement the national practice of the three-phase model of socio-political transformation, liberalization, democratization, democratic consolidation. Unfortunately, in modern terms this process is reduced to the functions of «mass suggestion ritual», which aims to «convince citizens in their involvement» in the political process.
PL
Problematykę relacji państwo–Kościół można uznać za jeden z najciekawszych aspektów badań nad procesami transformacji systemowej w Polsce. Zarówno względy historyczne, społeczne, jak i kulturowe determinują postrzeganie Kościoła jako podmiotu o wyjątkowym charakterze. Spór o obecność Kościoła w przestrzeni politycznej rozgorzał wraz z wejściem Polski na ścieżkę rozwoju demokratycznego. Wpływa on zarówno na strategie, do których odwołują się główni aktorzy polityczni, jak i na sam Kościół, w którym w ciągu minionych ponad dwudziestu lat pojawiło się wiele nurtów prezentujących zróżnicowane poglądy na temat sposobów jego zaangażowania się w urzeczywistnianie wartości chrześcijańskich w sferze polityki.
EN
The issues behind the relationship between Church and State are one of the most intriguing aspects in the study of the processes of systemic transformation in Poland. Historical, social and cultural factors all point to the unique nature of the Church. The dispute over the presence of the Church in politics flared up with Poland’s entering the path of democratic development. The discussion has had an impact on both the strategies employed by the main political actors and on the Church itself, within which numerous schools of thought have appeared, each one of which presents a different approach towards the involvement of the Church in the realization of Christian values in politics.
PL
Człowiek ze swej natury jest istotą dialogiczną i społeczną, która do harmonijnego rozwoju potrzebuje kontaktów z innymi ludźmi. Wraz z nadejściem społeczeństwa informacyjnego można zauważyć transformacje sposobu komunikowania się ludzi. Artykuł jest próbą ukazania wpływu technologii informacyjnych na sposób porozumiewania się ludzi należących do pokolenia X Y i Z, który niesie ze sobą zarówno pozytywne, jak i negatywne konsekwencje dla relacji społecznych – stąd proponowany w tytule artykułu bilans zysków i strat.
EN
Man by its nature is essentially dialogic and social being, which need contact with other people for its harmonious development. With the advent of the information society it can be seen the transformation of the way people communicate. The article is an attempt to show the impact of information technology on the way of communication between people belonging to the generation X, Y & Z, which carries with it both positive and negative consequences for their social relationships – hence the profit and loss balance proposed in the title of the article.
EN
The article demonstrates how different conceptualizations of modernization can lead to very different explanations and conclusions about both the dynamics of democratization and political change in post-communist world. The postwar experience of the communist East has constituted an attempt to overcome un derdevelopment and establish economic and political progress. The specific characteristics of the post-communist transition consist in the fact that we are witnessing not only a political transformation from a totalitarian regime to a pluralistic democracy, but at the same time an economic transformation from a planned command economy to a free market economy in Central and Eastern Europe and a transformation towards a civil society with free associations. In 1995 A. Przeworski noted that the fall of communism in Eastern Europe has been widely interpreted as a triumph of democracy and of capitalism. The new post-communist countries have chosen a strategy of adopting political, economic, and cultural organization already existing elsewhere – democracy, markets, and an individualistic, consumption-oriented culture that dominates the advanced capitalist world. The school of transitology, which was very influential at the time, may have had low expectations concerning the spread of democracy at heart but it also stressed that in the heat of the transition from authoritarianism it was only the political actors’ choices that were of vital importance. Staunchly opposed to this view, the opponents of the transitology approaches argued that the history of the post-communist countries, and the communist legacy, in particular, more or less ruled out a steady movement toward liberal democracy. They claimed, in particular, that a fundamental gap separated at least half of the former communist countries from the West and, by extension, from democracy. In this strategy, modernization becomes synonymous with internationalization: integration into the world economy, combined with an imitation of economic, political, and cul tural patterns prevalent in the advanced capitalist countries. However few politicians fully realized that both democratic institutions and capitalist economies differ in significant ways even among the developed democratic countries. Moreover, those who seek to imitate these countries often forget that there are many cases in which capitalism has failed in generating either prosperity or democracy.
EN
The article concerns the most important determinants and challenges of social policy in Poland. They include the social and economic transformation, the economic crisis, demographic changes and Europeanization. They enforce rationalization of expenses, adjustment of the solutions to the existing economic and financial possibilities of the State, as well as consideration of the present and the future population age structure. Europeanization made it possible, on the one hand, to benfit from the EU resources dedicated to the development of social infrastructure. On the other hand, a real challenge is to avoid the negative consequences of the economic crisis and of depopulation.
EN
Secret services inherited from the former system were not in any way adjusted to the conditions of a free, open society or to the created standards of a democratic state of law. The new authorities of the democratic country faced the problem of building their own secret services subordinated to the rules of a sovereign state. It was necessary to choose the way to create them as well as establish their organizational shape, competences and tasks. The idea of a revolution in the services was given up and the intermediate variant was chosen. It was radical in its content but gentle in form. The model shaped in 1990 was based on dividing secret services into civil and military ones. The former were subordinated to the Minister of the Interior, then to the Prime Minister, whereas the latter – to the Minister of National Defense. The Office for State Protection (UOP) was the service performing the tasks of civil intelligence and counterintelligence. With time, it was granted the competences from the field of combating organized crime aimed at the economic basis of the state. UOP was the leading service in the system of institutions of the state’s security. The Military Information Services (WSI) were the old internal services of the armed forces modified only in a slight degree. In the second stage of the reform of 2002, UOP was divided into two separate agencies. Internal Security Agency took over the majority of competences and tasks of UOP. The Foreign Intelligence Agency is responsible for foreign intelligence. Liquidation of WSI realized in 2006 in a rapid manner introduced chaos and disorganization in military services, which till today feel the consequences of the operation performed then. According to the declarations of the government, new reforms await secret services in 2013.
EN
Secret services inherited after the former system were not in any way adjusted to the conditions of a free, open society or to the created standards of a democratic state of law. The new authorities of the democratic country faced the problem of building their own secret services subordinated to the rules of a sovereign state. It was necessary to choose the way to create them as well as establish their organizational shape, competences and tasks. The idea of a violent revolution in the services was given up and the intermediate variant was chosen. It was radical in its content but gentle in form. The model shaped in 1990 was based on dividing secret services into civil and military ones. The former were subordinated to the Minister of the Interior, then to the Prime Minister, whereas the latter – to the Minister of National Defense. The Office for State Protection was the service performing the tasks of civil intelligence and counterintelligence. With time, it was granted the competences from the field of combating organized crime aimed at the economic basis of the state. UOP was the leading service in the system of institutions of the state’s security. The Military Information Services were the old internal services of the armed forces modified only in a slight degree. In the second stage of the reform of 2002, UOP was divided into two separate agencies. Internal Security Agency took over the majority of competences and tasks of UOP. The Foreign Intelligence Agency is responsible for foreign intelligence. Liquidation of WSI realized in 2006 in a rapid manner introduced chaos and disorganization in military services, which till today feel the consequences of the operation performed then. According to the declarations of the government, new reforms await secret services in 2013.
EN
The history of multiethnic Karachay-Circassia, and particularly Karachay and Circassian political elites, as well as their role in the creation of the state and the nation, includes many terrae incognitae. The present state of research does not help the attempts of reconstruction of it, while it is deeply entangled into historical policy, actively used in the game of power and the future of the republic. This politics oscillates between facts and falsification or manipulation. With this in mind, the author made an attempt to reconstruct the events from the records of history of Karachays and Circassians that directly or indirectly influence contemporary problems of political system of Karachay-Circassia and its political elites. The study shows that the main causes of the current constitutional and political problems of the republic have their roots not in the recent decades, but deeply in history and, above all, the period of Russian conquest and the mistakes of Soviet policy associated with the decomposition of the natural processes of nation-building and state-building and the creation of the artificial two-subject autonomous area. Due to the new conditions and circumstances they manifest themselves in various mutated and often more dangerous forms.
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.