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EN
Migrations are a result of the push and pull factors. The former are connected to the migrants’ country of origin while the latter to the country of destination. All the factors combine in a variety of configurations conditioned by the political-social-economic situation at a given time and place. However, the ultimate assessment of the push and pull factors is subjective, i.e. their perception depends on the personality traits of an individual migrant. The article presents the motivations of Poles who migrated to Berlin in the years 1980-2012 and their economic, social and cultural background.
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EN
Migrations of Poles to Berlin have a long tradition. After World War II when the border was closed and Poland was assigned to the Eastern bloc, Berlin was the nearest West European city, an embodiment of a different better western world. For this reason it was often chosen as a travel destination when there was a possibility to obtain a passport. Toady Polish immigrants in Germany are considered to be well integrated. Their integration was often the result of a by no means easy process of adaptation that involved overcoming numerous difficulties. At present, when the borders are open, the Berlin Poles again build bridges between the two nations, becoming transmigrants. This essentially impacts on their identity.
EN
The transnational perspective was disseminated in scientific research in the 1990s. It is the result of the increasing mobility of people who build, through their international travels, networks of political and socio-cultural links that cross national borders. Poles have joined the migratory trend in the 21st century as a result of changes that occurred in this part of the continent a few years earlier, when the communist system collapsed. A transnational style of life quickly became the everyday life of young people. Their example was also taken up by older migrants, already integrated in the host country. Transnationalism influenced their identity, strengthening some of ts elements while changing others. The article presents this process. It is based on ethnological fieldwork conducted by the author in Berlin in 2009-2018 as part of two research projects funded by the Polish National Science Centre.
EN
The JDC is an American Jewish organization that assists overseas Jewish communities in distress. It is responsible to “American Jewry” and those organizations that fund it. Bauer (1974, 19) argued that the JDC has been guided by its founding “pledge of impartiality – it steers clear of political involvements” and takes pride in being “probably the only really non-partisan organization in Jewish life.” This paper examines the role of the JDC in caring for Soviet émigrés who left on visas for Israel but chose to resettle elsewhere. They were known as “dropouts” (Noshrim in Hebrew). It also deals with the JDC policy toward recently settled Russian Jews who left Israel to resettle elsewhere. In its work with Soviet Jewish emigres did the JDC serve the interests of the Israeli government, its donors and or the emigres? Did the JDC abide by its pledge of impartiality? Did the JDC try to force them to resettle in Israel against their wishes? The paper focuses on the spring of 1976 when the number of dropouts outnumbered those resettling in Israel. This led to a joint committee of Israelis and American Jews to coordinate a response. The ‘freedom of choice’ debate ensued; should Soviet Jews resettle in Israel or have the freedom to choose where to resettle? The findings here are based on archival records in the JDC, the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society (HIAS), the CJF (Jewish federations) and the American Jewish Committee (AJC). The author also conducted interviews and reviewed secondary sources. The paper should contribute to a better understanding of the JDC and its past ties to Israel and the American Jewish community.
EN
The article deals with the issue of an emerging European space of social inequality. It begins with a critical examination of prevalent and unquestioned views on national inequality and the tendency to ignore transnational inequality. The main section of the text identifies new groups that are part of the European inequality regime – among them European Union elites, transmigrants, and transfer groups – and new dimensions of structuration that can be attributed to the Europeanization process such as the marketization and regionalization of inequality. Based on this analysis, the article highlights possible shifts in social cleavages that may lead to a broader reconfiguration of societal conflict structures.
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