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EN
The article deals with selected features of vowel length in the Six-Volume Kralice Bible (1579–1594) and brings new data and findings about distribution of different length and shortness of various origin in comparison with the Present-Day Standard Czech. It explores how Jan Blahoslav’s rules, voiced in his Czech Grammar, were applied in pronouns, adverbs, the words of the type čeledin, and some other lexemes, confirming translators’ respect to Blahoslav’s opinions. The author then discusses several cases of unmarked vowel length and unexpectedly marked vowel length in the Six-Volume Bible within the context of previous research, and he aims at differentiating the orthographical and linguistic phenomena. Furthermore, traces of the so-called Moravian shortness are examined as represented by several lexemes, and some other cases of dialectal vowel length and shortness are supplied, bringing thus new findings with respect to the dialectal influences in the Kralice Bible. Finally, the author analyses selected aspects of vowel length and shortness in nouns (nominative plural muží, analogical levelling, verbal nouns of the type dávaní) and verbs (prefixes, n- and nt-participles, prefixal derivation of disyllabic words).
EN
The efficiency of pronunciation training in the classroom in French learners of German was studied. To this end the German vowel length contrast and word initial [h] productions were examined. For this purpose, a speech corpus was compiled, which contains recordings of the learners’ speech assignments over a university semester. Acoustic analyses of the speech productions indicated that French learners of German showed progress over the semester only for word initial [h] at the beginning of words, while their productions of the German vowel length contrast neither improved nor worsened.
EN
The article examines segmental and suprasegmental properties of French borrowings containing nasal vocalic segments. The occurrences of nasal vowels in the corpus of Cambridge English Pronouncing Dictionary (Jones 2003) have been registered resulting in a stock of 380 lexical items, 271 of which display nasal (or nasalized) vowels in their first recommended pronunciation variant. The paper reviews three possible scenarios of vowel nasality adaptation: the loss of the feature resulting in unpacking, the retention of nasality involving nasalization of English vowels which substitute for their French nasal counterparts, and less frequent cases of zero assimilation of French segments. The author also argues that apart from vowel nasality French borrowings have retained other non-native characteristics, such as quantity – it is assumed that the length of the vowel segments under analysis may have been imported from French. Two arguments are raised in favour of non-nativized quantity: the stress patterns of loanwords containing long nasal (or nasalized) vowels, and the behaviour of such segments in unstressed English syllables.
XX
W artykule rozpatrywane są segmentalne i supra-segmentalne cechy francuskich zapożyczeń zawierających samogłoski nosowe. W korpusie Cambridge English Pronouncing Dictionary (Jones 2003) występowanie samogłosek nosowych stwierdzono przeglądu trzech możliwych scenariuszy adaptacji samogłosek nosowych: (1) utraty cechy skutkującej ‘rozpakowaniem’, (2) zachowanie nosowości powodującej unosowienie samogłosek angielskich, które zastępują francuskie odpowiedniki oraz (3) rzadsze przypadki zerowej asymilacji francuskich głosek. Autorka również dowodzi, że francuskie zapożyczenia zachowały inne fonologicznie obce cechy, takie jak iloczas – zakłada się, że długość segmentów wokalicznych poddanych analizie mogła być zapożyczona z języka francuskiego. Przedstawiono dwa argumenty popierające tezę o niezasymilowanej długości: (1) rozkład akcentu wyrazowego w zapożyczeniach zawierających długie samogłoski nosowe (lub unosowione) oraz (2) zachowanie segmentów tego rodzaju w angielskich sylabach nieakcentowanych.
Lingua Posnaniensis
|
2015
|
vol. 57
|
issue 1
77-88
EN
The goal of this paper is to present findings about vowel lengthening at morpho-syntactically defined prosodic boundaries. The data come from a corpus of spontaneous speech from Vimeu Picard, a Gallo- Romance language. A total of 10 672 vowel durations are measured, and 5336 vowel ratios are calculated, providing data for the prosodic word, clitic group, phonological phrase, intonational phrase, and the utterance. A general increase in vowel duration is observed as one ascends the prosodic hierarchy, without adjusting for rate of speech. Significant differences in vowel ratio are found between the clitic group and all other phrases, the prosodic word and the intonational phrase, the phonological phrase and the intonational phrase, and the intonational phrase and the utterance. Contrary to what was expected, vowel ratios at the utterance edge were found to be significantly shorter than vowel ratios at the intonational phrase edge. This may be because pauses are greater for the utterance than for the intonational phrase.
EN
Drawing on an analysis of 70,000 verse lines by twelve selected authors, the study attempts to analyze the context in which violations of the metrical norm in 19th-century Czech syllabotonic (i.e. accentual-syllabic) trochee and iamb occur. First, basic information concerning Czech quantity and stress is provided; next, attention is turned to the history of 19th-century Czech verse, especially with regard to the prosodic struggles between the supporters of syllabotonic and quantitative versification. The main aim is to examine whether the violation of a metrical norm may result in compensation for this violation, either by quantity or a prepositional phrase. The study demonstrates that: i) the distribution of long syllables in n-syllable units of 19th-century Czech verse is not accidental, ii) the violation of a metrical norm is compensated for by quantity or a preposition; iii) the preference for a specific compensation type depends on additional factors, e.g. the author’s style or the historical context, i.e. on an overall tolerance for the frequency of violation of the metrical norm.
EN
In this paper it is suggested that in the ancestral stages of the system, Polish obstruents were characterized by the presence of an H element responsible for voicelessness instead of an L element, interpreted phonetically as full voicing, postulated for Present-day Polish and other Slavic systems. This claim is made on the basis of a CVCV analysis of Compensatory Lengthening—a process which affected the majority of the Slavic world in the period when particular Slavic languages were evolving from Common Slavic.
PL
Artykuł formułuje tezę, że w początkowych stadiach istnienia języka polskiego spółgłoski zwarte i zwarto-szczelinowe w tym systemie charakteryzowały się obecnością elementu H, odpowiedzialnego za bezdźwięczność, nie zaś elementu L, fonetycznie wyrażanego jako pełna dźwięczność we współczesnej polszczyźnie (i pozostałych językach słowiańskich). Propozycja ta jest oparta na analizie wzdłużenia zastępczego w modelu CVCV – procesu, który można zaobserwować w większości języków słowiańskich w momencie ich wyodrębniania się z języka pra-słowiańskiego.
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