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The study is devoted to Casarius, representing the Central Gaulish potters from the late period of Antonine reign, whose terra sigillata vessels were recorded to the north of the middle Danube. The period of his activity coincides with the Marcomannic Wars. The case of Casurius is used for considering the question of time and circumstances of penetration of his pottery in the Barbaricum territory in the conditions of the ongoing conflict between barbarians and Romans. Casarius’s activity is placed in the years 160–180 (Rogers 1999) or 160–195 (Stanfield, Simpson 1958) and falls on the reign of Marcus Aurelius, or even Clodius Albinus. Activity after year 180 can be discussed. Among researchers there is lack of full compliance with regard to the location of the workshop; Lezoux and Lubié are mentioned. It is to be supposed that Casarius worked mainly in Lezoux, from where did the majority of the known vessels come. At the same time the branch of his workshop in Lubié was confirmed (Bet Delage‘s researches). Casarius was producing the considerable set of relief (bowls typeDrag. 37) and plain pottery (type Drag. 33, Drag. 18/31, and other). Casarius’s goods were distributed in areas of the Danubian provinces, especially often recorded on limes (among others Aquincum, Albertfalva, Brigetio, Carnuntum, Vindobona, Regensburg-Kumpfmül), finding recipients among the civilian population living in civitates and vicii and among the Roman crews stationed in castra and castella. Especially important are the discoveries of Casurius’s pottery in castellum in Mušov in Moravia (171–180 or rather 172–180 years) forming part of the soldier dishware. Based on the collected materials, the trading and use of Casarius’s vessels can be proven in the Danubian area, for years 175, 180, before years 170/178, 175 and after 171/172. As the start date can be accepted the period about 160/170 (163/170), as the final date – about 180 (and longer).There are few and far known finds from areas of the south – west of Slovakia (1 specimen) and Moravia (2 specimens). In this situation the number 5–6 (?) of Casurius’s relief bowls type Drag. 37 in the Przeworsk Culture surprises. These vessels were distributed on the course of the Moravian – Kuyavian section of the Amber Route (Piwonice, Zapowiednia, Jacewo, Lachmirowice) and the southern section of the upper course of the Vistula (Opatów, Zagórzyce?). Particularly interesting is the burial of a woman (No. 12) from Lachmirowice, containing a bowl type E. 77, a small chest elements, belt elements and bronze fibula type A. 129, dating back to the phase B2/C1 (vel B2/C1–C1a) (Zielonka 1993; Godłowski 1994; Tyszler 1999; 2012). Fibulae A.129, constituting a leading form of the phase B2/C1 of the Przeworsk Culture, are found among others in Roman camps layers in Mušov and Iža (Godłowski 1981; 1994; Hüssen, Rajtar 1994; Tejral 1999; 2006). Aforementioned bowl of type E.77 along with several other specimens from this cemetery creates a large collection, having no analogy in the Przeworsk Culture (bronze vessels, see below). Casurus’s bowl from Lezoux, a chronologically sensitive piece of equipment, entitles us to circumscribe the absolute chronology of the burial (No. 12). Having regard to the production (160–180 years), especially the trade and use in the Danubian provinces (proved to 175 year, and before 170/178, 175) and in the occupied Moravia (Mušov, in years 171 or 172–180), the burial in question can be placed in the time interval from about 170 to about 180/190, or 180/200. Taking into account the period of use/ storage of vessel before submitting it to the grave is very important. The presence of Casurius’s vessels on the Amber Route (Moravia, Great Poland, Kuyavia) shows the activity in the thoroughfare during the reign of late Antonine dynasty, i.e. in the period of the Marcomannic Wars. At the same time Casarius’s vessels are also the evidence of direct or indirect links of the population using the graveyard in Šitbořice (about 20 km from the center of Suebi in Mušov, then in the period 171 or 172–180 Roman castellum) with the population using the graveyard in Lachmirowice in Kuyavia. Both cemeteries provide the full content of information on these relationships and chronology of contacts, covering the period of the Marcomannic Wars and time after their completion. Inventories of men (warriors) and women graves (phases B2/C1–C1a) from the graveyards in question are the evidence of high social and material status of mercantile elites (?) achieved by lucrative business contacts. The accumulation of imports (of bronze, ceramic) of southern provenance is characteristic especially for Lachmirowice. Cemeteries striking feature is the presence of a large number of bronze vessels from which especially types E. 27–28, E.40, E. 44–49, E. 77 and E. 160–161 belong to the characteristic range of equipment of the Germanic elite graves in the Central European Barbaricum areas form the middle Danube to Scandinavia (Tejral 1970; 2004; 2006). Their distribution began in the late phase of Antonine reign and the culmination moment occurred after the end of the wars. Casurius’s bowls uniqueness is associated with the period of their production, trade and use (about 160/170–180; wherein the period of use after 180 year should also be taken into account), attributable to the period of the Marcomannic Wars (166/167–180). The presence of Casarius’s terra sigilata bowls recorded on Moravian – Kuyavia section of the Amber Route shows the trade activity on this thoroughfare during aforementioned wars.At the same time, we can assume that the inflow of Casurius’s vessels took place in the late phase of the wars in question (about 171/172–180). It should be stressed that the region Kuyavia, remaining in the far northern hinterland of the direct Roman enemies, i.e. Marcomanni and Quadi, was not yet free from the changeable fate of the ongoing wars and the impact of Roman politics. 
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EN
The phrase Profecti tamen sunt paludati ambo imperatores et Victualis et Marcomannis cuncta turbantibus, aliis etiam gentibus, quae pulsae a superioribus barbaris fugerant, nisi reciperentur, bellum inferentibus was translated by David Magie in the Loeb Classical Library series as “Clad in the military cloak the two emperors finally set forth, for now not only were the Victuali and Marcomanni throwing everything into confusion, but other tribes, who had been driven on by the more distant barbarians and had retreated before them, were ready to attack Italy if not peaceably received.” The term “by the more distant barbarians” follows the interpretation of the words pulsae a superioribus barbaris adopted by Guillaume de Moulines in his 1783 French translation. A similar line of interpretation with an additional indication of the distant north was also proposed by Karl Mannert in 1792. This unrest was supposed to have translated into the general agitation of the Germanic peoples of the Danube limes, contributing to the launching of attacks on the Roman side of the Danube River. A semantic analysis of the adjective superior, however, indicates that it does not mean further away, let alone from the distant north, but only: higher in position, upper, i.e. in the case of ethnic names it refers either to certain barbarians having the upper hand over others, or to the barbarians mentioned above in the source text. Consequently, the superiores barbari that appear in the sentence do not have much to do with the Polish lands, as it is probably precisely the Victuals of the Dacian section of the limes and the Marcomanni of the Pannonian section who took the upper hand over other barbarians in their regions close to the Danube.
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