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PL
Wyzwaniem współczesności jest wyposażenie młodych ludzi nie tylko w wiedzę, kształtowanie umiejętności praktycznych, ale przede kompetencje społeczne, które warunkują prawidłowe relacje społeczne, postawy wobec siebie i innych. Biblioterapia stanowi jedno z narzędzi kształtujących społecznie aprobowane wartości, normy i zachowania. Dzięki odpowiednio dobranemu materiałowi czytelniczemu można wspomagać proces edukacyjny, ale także wychowawczy. Biblioterapia w młodzieżowych ośrodkach socjoterapeutycznych stanowi jedną z propozycji zajęć z wychowankiem, a w rękach wychowawcy-nauczyciela jest inicjatorem i kreatorem postrzegania siebie i innych w sposób odmienny od dotychczasowego. Uczy zachowań, komunikacji, asertywności, pobudza do refleksji i zmian – jeden z celów wychowania.
EN
Young people are becoming more and more active on the labour market these days. Thenumber of young adults who are studying and working at the same time is increasing. Thesestatements are confirmed by research done all over Poland and the survey conducted among the last year students of The Second Comprehensive School in Zabrze. Young people acquire their first job experience during their education, after completing grammar school course. They treat their careers very seriously in a planned and unhurried manner. They are conscious of the necessity of further education, especially mastering foreign languages and getting more skills and experience. A national research and my own survey come to theconclusion that young people seem to be performing better and better on the labour market andbecoming, in compliance with our intentions, more and more entrepreneurial.
PL
Skala problemu zjawiska cyberprzemocyjest duża i niepokojąca. W celu jego wyeliminowania i ograniczenia podejmowane są próby szukania skutecznych rozwiązań profilaktycznych. Autorka dokonując analizy literatury związanej z mindfulnes wskazuje na ogromny potencjał programów opartych na uważności w profilaktyce zagrożeń cyberprzemocy. Liczne badania potwierdzają, że praktyka uważności jest skutecznym programem w walce ze stresem, bólem a nawet chorobą, wzmacnia psychiczne i fizyczne dobre samopoczucie. Osoby praktykujące uważność stają się bardziej współczujące, łagodniejsze, empatyczne, lepiej radzą sobie z sytuacjami trudnymi, stosują pozytywne wzorce myślenia i zachowania, zyskują spokój i pewność siebie a także wprowadzają pozytywne zmiany w relacjach międzyludzkich.
EN
The aim of the study was to explore relation between risk perception, risk reduction and likelihood to purchase meat in the moment of information about meat-safety hazard among University Students. The results of this study reveal that health and psychology motives, quality assurance and price have the strongest impact on decision of the purchase of meat in the response to meat-safety hazards.
PL
Celem badań było zbadanie relacji między percepcją ryzyka, redukcją ryzyka oraz prawdopodobieństwem nabycia mięsa w momencie informacji o zagrożeniu bezpieczeństwa mięsa wśród studentów. Stwierdzono, że zdrowie i motywy psychologiczne, gwarantowana jakość oraz cena mają najsilniejszy wpływ na decyzję zakupu mięsa w momencie informacji o zagrożeniu.
EN
The article presents the behavior of the driver in a difficult situation in which to achieve a result is only possible to change the normal structure of the activity that is affected is the relative balance between the different parts of the structure. Perform activities in the given conditions not only leads to specific results, but also modifies the same results, because each step involves a variety of effects and leaves traces.
PL
Artykuł przedstawia zachowanie kierowcy w sytuacji trudnej, w której osiągnięcie wyniku jest możliwe tylko przy zmianie normalnej struktury czynności, tzn. gdy naruszona zostaje względna równowaga między poszczególnymi elementami struktury. Wykonywanie czynności w danych warunkach prowadzi nie tylko do określonych wyników, ale modyfikuje również same wyniki, ponieważ każda czynność pociąga za sobą różnorodne skutki i pozostawia ślady.
EN
Problem and Aim. This survey aims to present on a summary of the views of karatekas on their practice. It aims to define their social representations of karate on the basis of the theories of Serge Moscovici and Jean Claude Abric. The research sheds light on the influence of these social representations on practitioners’ behaviours. It shows also how these social representations are, in turn, affected by their socio cultural environment. Method. Twenty members of a karate association in Tunis were sampled on a voluntary basis. The results have been reached by qualitative techniques; interviews and hierarchical evaluation. Results and Conclusions. The constituent elements of social representations of karate namely; practice forms, and the biological, sociological and psychological effects of karate as central components were identified. At the one extremity karate is considered as a means of entertainment. As contrasting components, it has been found that karate is perceived as a way of life and a future plan for living. At the other extremity there are cognitive effects, income and the culture of Japan. Besides, on the one hand, it has been proved that the social representations of karate determine the behaviours of practitioners, their cognitions and their emotions. On the other hand these social representations are determined by the socio cultural environment of the karateka (media, parents, friends, siblings and peers).
PL
Problem i cel. Celem pracy jest przedstawienie doświadczeń uczestników badania i ich spojrzenia na karate na podstawie teorii Serge’a Moscovici i Jean Claude Abrica. Badania rzucają światło na wpływ reprezentacji społecznych na zachowanie zawodników. Pokazują również, jak te reprezentacje społeczne pozostają pod wpływem społeczno-kulturowego środowiska. Metoda. W badaniu brało dobrowolny udział dwudziestu członków Stowarzyszenia Karate w Tunisie. Było to 13 kobiet i 7 mężczyzn. Średnia wieku 15,9 lat (średnia wieku kobiet - 14 lat, mężczyzn - 17,8 lat). Doświadczenie sportowe wyniosło od 2 miesięcy do 15 lat (od poziomu białego do czarnego pasa). Badania zostały przeprowadzone za pomocą technik jakościowych, między innymi wywiadów (ok. 40 minut). Uczestnikom badania zadano pytania dotyczące skojarzeń, które wywołuje słowo „karate”. Następnie przytoczone odpowiedzi przedstawiono wg częstotliwości pojawiania się w wypowiedziach. Wyniki i wnioski. W wypowiedziach badanych pojawiło się 120 słów, które zostały sklasyfikowane w różnych kategoriach, tzw. reprezentacjach społecznych karate. Objęły one: formy ćwiczeń, biologiczne, socjologiczne i psychologiczne skutki karate. Z jednego punktu widzenia karate jest uważane przez badanych za rodzaj rozrywki, chociaż stwierdzono także, że karate to sposób życia i perspektywiczny plan. Z drugiej strony odkryto efekty poznawcze, wpływ ideowy i fascynację kulturą Japonii. Poza tym wykazano, że reprezentacje społeczne karate determinują zachowanie zawodników, ich procesy poznawcze oraz emocje. Reprezentacje społeczne są określane przez środowisko społeczno-kulturowe karateków (media, rodziców, przyjaciół, rodzeństwo i rówieśników).
EN
The article deals with the treatment of prejudices in society. Superstitions and customs play a controlling function in the society. The changes that have occurred in the evolution of societies, have changed their attitudes towards superstitions and customs. The purpose of the article is to present the relationship between superstitions and manipulation. Moreover, the author tries to analyze the human superstitious behavior and examine the changes that came about as a result of the disappearance of some superstitions, their transformation and the emergence of new ones. Seeing that the subject of superstitions is quite wide, the article presents examples and analysis of the selected superstitions from the author’s collections on the example of Ukrainian weddings.
PL
Artykuł dotyczy traktowania przesądów w społeczeństwie. Przesądy i obyczaje pełnią w nim funkcję sterującą. Przemiany, które zaszły w toku ewolucji społeczeństw, zmieniły także ich stosunek do przesądów i obyczajów. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest próba przedstawienia związku pomiędzy manipulacją a zabobonem, a także analiza zachowań ludzi zabobonnych oraz zbadanie zmian w zachowaniach społeczności, które zaistniały wraz z zanikiem pewnych przesądów, ich przekształceniem lub z pojawieniem się nowych. Ponieważ tematyka przesądów jest dość szeroka, w artykule zostały wykorzystane przykłady wybranych przesądów ze zbiorów własnych na przykładzie ukraińskiego wesela.
PL
W artykule została omówiona specyfika aktywności osobowości. Dokonano analizy czynników przejawiania się osobowości. Wyodrębnione zostały takie podstawowe składniki stanu osobowości jak podmiot, środowisko, dostępne sposoby działań oraz ewentualne wyniki aktywności. Zbadano również funkcje osobowości z punktu widzenia takich aspektów jak funkcja przyzwyczajenia, funkcja wiedzy, funkcja uproszczenia
EN
The variables of personality’s activity have been investigated in this paper. the factors of personality’s manifestation have also been analyzed. the basic components of the state of personality have been distinguished, which include the subject, the environment, the available modes of behaviour or potential outcomes of activity. the functions of personality have also been examined in terms of defining such aspects as the function of habituation, the function of knowledge and the function of simplification
Logos i Ethos
|
2022
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vol. 60
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issue 2
89-112
EN
The Argentinian legal philosopher Carlos Cossio developed his concepts from the 1930s, being an academic lecturer and actively participating in social life. In assumptions, theses and postulates, his theory of law examines the social role of law, primarily the role of judges and judicial institutions. In his phenomenology of law, Cossio refers above all to Edmund Husserl’s phenomenologist theses, but also to Immanuel Kant’s ethics and to the philosophy of existence – to the construals of Miguel de Unamuno and Martin Heidegger. Cossio systematically emphasises the first-person, i.e., egological and individualistic, perspective of knowledge, decisions and actions. Such a perspective allows us to recognise law as acting towards and for human individuals, taking into account their specific biographical situation and their conduct – law is defined and gaining importance in a concrete social world. At the same time, the position of the subject in the world is determined by the intersubjective context of culture, which is identical to the specifically human “world of life”. Cossio directs our attention towards anthropological theses (the anthropological need for rules and normativity) and towards the language and other sign systems presumed to be specific human products and giving meanings to “cultural objects” (Wilhelm Dilthey), i.e., towards intersubjectivity (Lebenswelt) broadly understood as a symbolic, semiotic and semantic sphere. 
PL
Carlos Cossio, argentyński filozof prawa rozwijał swoje koncepcje od lat trzydziestych XX wieku, będąc wykładowcą akademickim i aktywnie uczestnicząc w życiu społecznym. W założeniach, tezach i postulatach jego prawnicza teoria zajmuje się społeczną rolą prawa, przede wszystkim rolą sędziów i instytucji sądowych. W swojej fenomenologii prawa Cossio odwołuje się przede wszystkim do tez fenomenologicznych Edmunda Husserla, jak również do etyki Immanuela Kanta oraz do filozofii egzystencji – do koncepcji Miguela de Unamuno i Martina Heideggera. Cossio systematycznie podkreśla pierwszoosobową, czyli egologiczną i indywidualistyczną perspektywę wiedzy, decyzji i działań. Taka perspektywa pozwala nam rozpoznawać prawo jako działające wobec i dla ludzkich jednostek, z uwzględnieniem ich specyficznej sytuacji biograficznej i ich zachowania – prawo jest określane i nabiera ważności w konkretnym społecznym świecie. Równocześnie pozycja podmiotu w świecie jest określana przez intersubiektywny kontekst kultury, tożsamy ze specyficznie ludzkim „światem życia”. Cossio kieruje naszą uwagę ku tezom antropologicznym (antropologiczna potrzeba reguł i normatywności) oraz ku językowi i innym systemom znakowym, uznawanym za specyficznie ludzkie wytwory i nadające znaczenie „przedmiotom kultury” (Wilhelm Dilthey), czyli ku intersubiektywności (Lebenswelt) szeroko pojmowanej jako symboliczna, semiotyczna i semantyczna sfera.  
EN
The present study examines differences in the perceptions of parental typology and behaviour between deaf/hard of hearing (d/hh) and hearing adolescents. The participants were 131 adolescents, 101 hearing and 30 d/hh. The participating adolescents responded to the Greek version of the following questionnaires: (a) the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire-SDQ (Goodman, 1997; Bibou-Nakou, Stogiannidou, Kioseoglou & Papageorgiou, 2002) and (b) the Parenting Styles and Dimensions Questionnaire-PSDQ (Antonopoulou & Tsitsas, 2011; Maridaki-Kassotaki, 2009; Robinson, Mandleco, Olsen & Hart, 2001). The results have shown that there are differences in perceptions of parental typology and behaviour between d/hh adolescents and their hearing peers. Specifically, it was found that hearing adolescents perceive their fathers as being more authoritarian and strict than d/hh adolescents do, and that d/hh adolescents have more difficulties in their peer relationships than their hearing counterparts. The results have revealed significant negative correlations between perceptions of authoritative parents and behavioural difficulties in both d/hh and hearing adolescents. Moreover, adolescents’ perceptions of their fathers’ and mothers’ authoritative parental typology were found to be a good predictor of adolescents’ prosocial behaviour, whereas perceptions of the strict father and mother were found to predict hyperactivity and conduct problems. The psycho-educational implications of the present findings are discussed.
EN
Objective: The article identifies the key determinants of the value of traditional food products and the factors involved in consumers’ decisions to purchase them. Research Design & Methods: Marketing research was conducted via indirect interviews with the use of an Internet questionnaire (CAWI). The research population (N = 294) consisted of people aged 18–30 who purchase and consume traditional products from various categories. Findings: The results of the research showed that the perceived value of traditional food products is the sum of the values offered to buyers. The values include: identity value, economic value, functional value, informative value Implications / Recommendations: It was found that traditional food products are both a carrier and a provider of value. Food producers should know their customers’ expectations, particularly as real value is brought by loyal buyers, i.e. those who are satisfied with the cooperation and repeat purchases of the product. Contribution: The research adds to the knowledge base on young consumers’ perception of product value as a determinant of the decision to purchase traditional food products.
PL
Cel: Celem artykułu była identyfikacja kluczowych wyznaczników wartości tradycyjnych produktów żywnościowych, które determinują ich nabywanie przez konsumentów. Metodyka badań: Aby osiągnąć cel badań, przeprowadzono badanie marketingowe techniką wywiadów pośrednich z wykorzystaniem kwestionariusza ankiety internetowej (CAWI). Populację badawczą (N = 294) stanowiły osoby w wieku 18–30 lat, deklarujące dokonywanie zakupu i spożywanie produktów tradycyjnych z różnych kategorii. Wyniki badań: Wyniki badań wykazały, że postrzegana wartość tradycyjnych produktów żywnościowych jest sumą użyteczności oferowanych nabywcom, na którą składają się: wartość identyfikacyjna, wartość ekonomiczna, wartość funkcjonalna oraz wartość informacyjna. Wnioski: Na podstawie wyników przeprowadzonych badań stwierdzono, że tradycyjne produkty żywnościowe są zarówno nośnikiem, jak i dostarczycielem wartości. Producenci żywności powinni znać oczekiwania swoich klientów, ponieważ rzeczywistą wartość przynoszą nabywcy lojalni, czyli klienci usatysfakcjonowani ze współpracy i powtarzający zakup produktu. Wkład w rozwój dyscypliny: Przeprowadzone badania wzbogacają wiedzę na temat postrzeganej wartości produktu jako determinanty zakupu tradycyjnych produktów żywnościowych.
PL
Artykuł prezentuje wyniki analiz, których celami były (a) przygotowanie zbioru pozycji testowych, umożliwiających pomiar szerokiej gamy zachowań celowych niezwiązanych z pracą zawodową oraz (b) dokonanie empirycznej kategoryzacji tych zachowań. Analizy przeprowadzono na puli 209 zdań opisujących pojedyncze zachowania celowe na skali frekwencyjnej. Zdania pochodziły z kwestionariusza ORAIS, który został stworzony przez Goldberga (2010) do pomiaru zainteresowań niezawodowych. Przebadano 801 osób w wieku 16–72 lat (M = 29,71; SD = 12,69). Na wyselekcjonowanych pozycjach testowych (po odrzuceniu najmniej różnicujących), przeprowadzono serię analiz eksploracyjnych zmierzających do odnalezienia struktury w zbiorze pojedynczych zachowań. W efekcie 135 zachowań podzielono na 17 kategorii. Dalsze analizy wykazały, że tych 17 kategorii można sprowadzić do czterech lub dwóch interpretowalnych czynników wyższego rzędu, których znaczenie koresponduje z metacechami osobowości.
EN
The paper presents finding from analyses conducted in order to (a) prepare a pool of items measuring a wide range of purposive avocational behaviors and (b) empirically categorize these behaviors. The analyses were conducted on a pool of 209 statements describing behavioral acts and using a frequency response scale. The statements were taken from Oregon Avocational Interest Scales (ORAIS) by Goldberg (2010). The group of participants consisted of 801 people aged 16–72 (M = 29.71, SD = 12.69). A series of exploratory analyses was conducted on a reduced pool of items (by removing these poorly differentiating). As a result, 135 behavioral acts were grouped into 17 categories. Further analyses showed that these 17 categories can be grouped into 4 or 2 interpretable higher-order factors, which meaning is similar to personality metatraits.
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2018
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vol. 65
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issue 1: Praca socjalna
127-135
EN
The aim of the study is to review existing approaches and traditions regarding the definition and study of quality of life based on the analysis of literary data and the results of their own observations. The concept of quality of life is part of the category-conceptual apparatus of various social, natural and economic sciences. It is the fact that the quality of life is the object of studying representatives of different fields of scientific knowledge, which leads to quite different approaches to its study. The quality of life, as a complex psychophysiological and psychosocial construct, can be defined as a combination of personality relationships associated with a subjective understanding of the value of health and the need for self-realization, including in conditions of illness. Today, more and more quality of life is seen as a complex indicator, a system construct that has a complex multifactorial organization. The study of quality of life deserves special attention, based on the study of the needs and interests of the individual, which are always individual and are reflected in subjective representations, assessments and attitudes.
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przegląd istniejących podejść naukowych pozwalających na zdefiniowanie pojęcia jakości życia. Jakość życia jest częścią aparatu kategorii pojęciowych w naukach społecznych, przyrodniczych i ekonomicznych. Faktem jest, że jakość życia jest przedmiotem badań przedstawicieli różnych dziedzin wiedzy naukowej, które to stosują odmienną metodologię badań w tym zakresie. Właśnie fakt wielodyscyplinarności pojęcia jakości życia wyznacza konieczność szeroko zakrojonych badań i analiz. Jakość życia należy więc traktować jako kompleksowy konstrukt psychofizjologicznych i psychospołecznych czynników, skupionych wobec ogółu cech osobowościowych związanych z subiektywnym rozumieniem wartości zdrowia oraz potrzeby samorealizacji, również uwzględniając sytuację choroby. Aktualnie coraz częściej jakość życia jest postrzegana jako złożony system, posiadający wielowymiarową strukturę. Na szczególną uwagę zasługują badania jakości życia oparte na diagnozie potrzeb i interesów osoby, które zawsze są indywidualne i mają swoje odzwierciedlenie w osobistych poglądach, ocenach oraz postawach.
EN
     Discussions of the relationship between biological factors and criminality have a long tradition in criminology. During the first stage of development of positivistic criminology, they constituted a predominant trend in the study of etiology of crime and delinquency. Then, with the future development of this school, they became one of its major lines, together with the study of cultural variables. The controversions between adherents of these two trends of the positivistic school resolve themselves into the essential question nature or nature. In other  words, is a given human behaviour (e.g., criminal) a result of the man’s biological equipment, or was it influenced by the course of the process of upbringing in the broad sense. In different periods one or the other of these approaches predominated. Now it is generally considered that both nature and nurture regulate human behaviour in the process of constant interaction.        Contemporary students of the role of biological factors in the etiology of crime abstain in general from attributing to these factors the conclusive role in  the formation of criminal behaviour. Instead, they maintain that in certain circumstances a given biological factor may contribute to the appearance of behaviour which  departs from the norm. In principle, biological factors may be divided into those which contribute more directly to the appearance of criminal behaviour, and those which exercise only an indirect influence - in interaction with environmental variables. The first group consists of such variables as tumours and other pathological injuries of the central nervous system, some forms of epilepsy and certain types of hormonal disorders. In a sense, all the above variables are directly connected with behaviour disorders which, in certain situations, may lead to the appearance of criminal behaviour. These regularities concern a small percent of offenders only, so general conclusions can not be drawn on this ground as regards biological conditions of delinquency.      Among biological variables which influence behaviour problems (including criminal behaviour) indirectly, in interaction with environmental  variables, the following are  included in general: effect of prenatal and birth complications on the development of the child's central nervous system, minimal brain dysfunction and  their correlates factors connected with heredity, chromosomal abnormalities (particularly XYY syndrome), and various psychophysiological variables related to the conditioning of behaviour. These variables can not be  said to cause in themselves behaviour disorders favourable to crime and delinquency; it is imperative that particular environmental conditions arise for these disorders to appear. Thus in this case we deal with the effecti of different variables conditioned by class or environment, on the individual's biological formation and the role of the relationship between biological and environmental variables in shaping of man's adaptivity, including his ability to behave according to the norm.       In the present article, a review of the contemporary studies of the above problem has been made.       It has repeatedly been discovered that, in environment which is economically and socially unpriviledged, there are decidedly more prenatal  and brith complications which are favourable to injuries of the child's central nervous system. Such injuries positively hinder social adaptation,  particularly if the influence of environment in which the child is brought up is negative. The same may be said about the role of minimal brain dysfunction in the  formation of the child's social attitudes. Here also, the influence of the environment may intensify the effect of the biological factor. In the studies of genetic determination of abnormal behaviour, results were obtained which indicate that in the etiology of such behaviour, hereditary factors are of some importance, while environment often  „intensifies” the effect of genetic  factors.       The approach which is characterized by the search for the connection of both biological and environment variables with behaviour disorders (including criminal behaviour) has a strong position in Polish criminology thanks to the works of Professor Batawia and his associates.      In the final of the article, the importance of disclosures as regards the role of biological factors in the etiology of delinquent behaviour in the field of crime prevention has been discussed.
EN
       1. The study discussed in the present paper is a continuation of the research on extent and determinants of social maladjustment among schoolchildren in Warsaw elementary schools, which was conducted in the years 1976-1979. Over 600 classes (grade III-VIII) were then examined, which makes the total numer of 17,662 children aged 9-16. Teachers indicated children who revealed symptoms of social maladjustment (such as regular truancy, many-hours loitering around the streets without control, running away from home, stealing, frequenting company of demoralized colleagues, drinking alcohol, sexual demoralization, vandalism and frequent aggressive behaviour). 885 boys (which makes 10 per cent of all schoolboys included in the study) and 220 girls (2.7 per cent of all girls) were found to reveal these children, which included information as to the child’s family environment, school situation, school failures, behaviour, health, and symptoms of social maladjustment.        From this general popuration of 885 schoolboys who revealed symptoms of social maladjustment, a group of 262 boys was separated  whose symptoms were particularly intense and cumulated. This group then underwent a detailed individual examination.       As a control group to match this group of 262 boys whose symptoms of social maladjustment were cumulated and intense, 151 boys were drawn by lot from among those of all schoolboys who had not been mentioned by the teachers as children who reveal symptoms of social maladjustment, and who were classmates of the socially maladjusted boys. The control group underwent the same individual examination.       2. At the stage of the study presented in the present paper the aim was to answer the following questions:                                                                                                                                                                      - how many of the schoolchildren indicated by the teachers because of various symptoms of social maladjustment had cases in court before they were included in the study.                                                  – how many of them  had cases in court during the five years of follow-up study.                                       – what was the total number of children who had ever had cases in court and what was the intensity of their criminal careers.                                                                                                                                              –is there any difference between the socially maladjusted schoolchildren who had cases in court and those with a clean record, as regards any features of their  family environment or the kind of symptoms of social maladjustment, which caused  them to be included in the study. Is there any difference between them as regards their school failure or the results of psychological examination.       In order to answer these questions, in mid 1982 it was checked if the children indicated as socially maladjusted had cases in court as juveniles or as young adults (aged 17 and over). The examined persons were then aged 15-23. The cases of persons concerning whom it was impossible to obtain data, as to their criminal record were excluded from the analysis therefore, finally the examined population consisted of 859 boys and 220 girls.        3. At the moment when the examined schoolchildren were indicated by the teachers as revealing symptoms of social maladjustment, 6.9 per cent of the socially maladjusted boys and 3.7 pet cent of  the girls had criminal cases in family courts.  A considerable majority of these children (5.1 per cent of the boys and all girls, 3.7 per cent) had only one case in court. The cases occurred generally at the age 14-16. The number of children who had had cases of care and protection during anamnesis is comparatively large: 5.5 per cent of boys and as many as 16.3 per cent of girls.       The examination of the schoolchildren's further criminal careers during the following 5 years produced the following results:                                                                                                                              - 20.9 per cent of boy  were convicted by courts within that period (10.2 per cent had cases in family courts, 5.7 per cent- in ordinary courts, 5 per cent- both in family and in ordinary courts).                         - 4 per cent of girls were convicted (3.6 per cent by family courts, 0.4 per cent by  ordinary courts).           It should be added that on account of the age, only 629 boys and 178 girls could have had cases in ordinary courts. Among them, 14.8 per cent of boys and one girl were convicted. The percentage is high, as part of those who „could have had cases" were only 17 years old, the probability of their conviction being  thus minimal.           25.7 per cent of boys convicted by ordinary court committed aggressive acts, while 70.7 per cent were convicted only for offences against property.       When the entire examined  period (anamnesis and follow-up period) is discussed together, it appears that every fourth boy (23.4 per cent) and every thirteenth girl among all socially maladjusted children were delinquent. This result certifies to the generally known difference between the extents of delinquency of boys and girls. However,  the represented proportion changes diametrically if one takes into account not only criminal cases, but also those of care and protection. 12.2 per cent of boys and as many as 25.4 per cent of girls had cases of care and  protection in family courts. There were  26.4 per cent  of socially maladjusted boys and 28.6 per cent of girls who had cases in family courts (criminal and care and protection together). The high percentage of girls who had  cases of care and protection may be connected to their worse family  situation which demanded intervention, as well as with the fact, that girls revealed  symptoms of sexual demoralization more frequently than boys (as many as 1/5 of socially maladjusted girls in grade VIII); these  symptoms awoke concern of the adult and may induce them to seek intervention of a court. Such symptoms, not being offences, may only be a reason for instituting tutelar proceedings.       Another problem was also examined, that is of the features of the examined persons and of their  family environment (as revealed by the questionnaires  filled in by the  teachers) which would differentiate the delinquent boys from those who had never been convicted. The delinquent boys were found to live in worse family backgrounds, in which criminality of parents or siblings or alcoholism of the father  occurred more frequently.  Instead, the delinquent boys were not found to live more frequently in broken homes or separately from their  parents. The delinquent boys were more socially maladjusted than those never convicted: they revealed a greater numer of symptoms of social maladjustment, their teachers informed more frequently of threir thefts, drinking, contacts with demoralized colleagues, and truancy. Instead, the delinquent boys were not described by the teachers as fighting with their schoolmates „often” and „very often”  more frequently than those never convicted.  It may be that such a description of a child by the teacher was unreliable;  the boy's aggressive behaviour may have been  a temporary phenomenon, resulting from actual  social situation; aggressiveness revealed at school may have been separate from the entire syndrome of social maladjustment. However, at the present stage of the study we are not in a position to take up any attitude towards these possible explanations. Neither the many-hours loitering around the streets was found to significantly differentiate the delinquent boys from those never convicted. This results from the fact that loitering is a typical way of spending time of the considerable majority of socially maladjusted boys, therefore it does not differentiate those who were convicted from the others.         4. In the group of 262 individually examined boys who revealed intense and cumulated symptoms of social maladjustment, the extent of delinquency appeared to be larger than in the entire population of 885 socially maladjusted schoolboys from which this group has been selected. During anamnesis, 32 per cent of boys had criminal cases in family courts; 78.9 per cent of them had only one case, 18.3 per cent had two cases, and 2.8 per cent -three or more cases. During the follow-up period, 28.2 per cent of the examined boys had cases in court, including 14.1 per cent who had cases in family courts only, 7.6 per cent who had cases in ordinary courts only, and 6.5 per cent who had cases both in family and in ordinary courts. Within the whole of the examined period (both anamnesis and follow-up period), nearly half of the examined boys were convicted: 29.4 per cent  had cases in family courts only, 5.3 per cent- in ordinary courts only, and 14.1 per cent-both in family and in ordinary courts. Therefore, every second  boy from the group with intense and cumulated symptoms of social maladjustment had cases in court within the examined period, while every fourth one from the entire population had been convicted.        Poor material and housing conditions of the family, insufficient care of children, broken home and bad conjugal life of the parents were not found to be significantly connected with the delinquency of the examined boys. Instead, a correlation of statistical significance was found between delinquency and excessive drinking of the fathers, their own criminal records and periods of imprisonment, as well as between the sons' delinquency and the lack of elementary education of the parents.        On the other hand, no difference was found between delinquents and non-delinquents as regards the teachers' estimation of their intelligence level and learning difficulties pointed out by their mothers and themselves. None of the biopsychical variables taken into account in the study was found to differentiate both groups: lowered level of intelligence, eyesight defect, hearing defect,  disturbances of speech, dyslexia, probable past lesions of the central nervous system, troubles with concentration, very slow rate of working. Persisting neurotic symptoms. Indeed, these factors were present rather more frequently among the non-delinquent boys, distinctly connected with their learning problems and school failures. On the other hand, delinquents actually repeated classes more frequently than non-delinquents, got bad marks in various subjects, and their learning progress was estimated as worse by the teachers. Delinquent boys more frequently behaved badly at school beginning from the lowest standards, they played truant from various lessons, were disobedient and disturbed the course of the lessons, had lower marks for behaviour and stated that they did not like school.        The socially maladjusted delinquents used to spend time in company of friends older than themselves more often than the non-delinquent boys; they themselves described those friends as badly behaved and drinking alcohol. They were also substantially more often connected with groups of juvenile delinquents according to the teachers' opinion. They revealed a considerably larger intensity of symptoms of social maladjustment. Among these symptoms, only the frequency of aggressive behaviour failed to differentiate the delinquent and non-delinquent boys, which means that as regards the individually examined group,  the result concerning the entire population was confirmed.         Therefore, the delinquency of the examined persons was related to the greater intensity of their social maladjustment, to their negative family environment and their school situation connected not only with objective learning difficulties but also with the child's reluctant attitude towards school and teachers, and with the teachers' disfavourable opinion of his learning progress and behaviour.        It is also worth mentioning that in the control group of 151 schoolboys who were not indicated by the teachers as revealing symptoms of social maladjustment, only one person was found who had been convicted by court during the entire examined period.
EN
                        THE SURVEYS Two consecutive alcohol consumption surveys were carried out in Poland in 1980 and 1985. In both of them quota samples of population 16 years of age and over were used, and the sizes of the samples were 1972 and 1808 respectively. The surveys were sponsored by the Institute of Psychiatry and Neurology which is responsible for funding research on a broad range of topics related to alcohol, its effects, use and misuse. The fieldwork was carried our by specially trained  interviewers of the Centre for Public Opinion Survey and Programme studies of the state Committee for Radio and TV in Warsaw, a well established public opinion poll institute working already for more than 30 years.             The majority of items included in the questionnaires used in each survey were identical, only some were altered, dropped entirely, or substituted for by other formulations. The preliminary part of both questionnaires concerned the relations of the respondents with other people. This was followed by a group of several questions related to the last drinking occasion: place and company of drinking, kind and amount of alcohol consumed, and the reason for drinking. In the 1985 survey more detailed information on the last occasion of drinking was collected, viz. separate questions were asked in relation to the last occasion of consumption of spirits and that of the consumption of wine, as well as on the duration of these occasions. The persons who had not consumed alcohol during the twelve months preceding the interview were asked whether they had ever drunk before, and what the reasons were for their being teetotallers.             All the respondents were requested to tell about their pleasant and unpleasant experiences with alcohol, and whether alcohol helped them or caused trouble in some situations listed in the questionnaire, and pertaining to their social and professional life. Apart from that, the respondents were asked to express their approval or disapproval of several statements concerning good and bad consequences of drinking. In this part of the questionnaire, in the 1985 survey several alterations were introduced in comparison with the former survey. What remained unchanged in the questions were those on being victimized during the last twelve months while drunk, or by a drunk person.             The questions on drinking in excess or more often than desired, or binge drinking-asked in the 1980 survey - were replaced in the 1985 survey by questions forming the CAGE questionnaire. Other questions asked in both surveys concerned the consumption of moonshine alcohol and drinking at work. The concluding part of the questionnaires was designed to obtain information on the respondents age, sex, education, place of residence, kind of work, etc.             In the above surveys, the-last-occasion approach was applied in order to estimate the size and the pattern of alcohol intake by the respondents. This approach is adopted in the majority of Polish alcohol consumption surveys, following the example of a Finnish researcher P. Kuusi.             Both surveys were carried out in mid-September, i.e. after-summer holidays, during a normal working month, without any important religious or national festivities, which would have changed to some extent the ordinary drinking practices.                                     THE BEVERAGES             During the years 1980-1985, the size of the apparent consumption of alcoholic beverages changed considerably. According to the official data derived from the statistics on sales of commodities, in 1980 the per capita consumption amounted to 8.4 litres of pure alcohol, of which 71 per cent was drunk in spirits,15 per cent- in wine, and 14 per cent -in beer. The 1985 figures were: 6,8 litres, 67, 15 and 18 per cent respectively. It looks as if the total consumption decreased substantially (by 19 per cent), but the structure of beverages consumed remained fairly stable. However , according to the opinion shared by the majority of specialists on the subject, the drop in the officially recorded consumption was associated with a marked increase in moonshine alcohol, which resulted in raising the total consumption to at least the 1980 level.             The results of the survey seem to support this assertion. The per capita self-reported consumption of alt alcoholic beverages amounted to 5.6 and  5,9 litres of pure alcohol in 1980, and 1985 respectively. Thus, instead of the 1985 drop, a slight increase occurred (by 5 per cent). Moreover, while. the self-reported consumption of the majority of the beverages remained stable a large increase was noted in the home-made beverages: the illegally distilled moonshine alcohol (spirits) and the legally made fruit wine. The consumption of moonshine spirits was in 1985 higher than that in 1980 by 130 per cent and the consumption of fruit wine was higher by 60 per cent. In1985,one-scventh of all alcoholic beverages consumed were home-made, while in 1980 - only one-thirteenth. As a result, the share of spirits in the total amount of alcohol consumed – whether legally or illegally distilled in 1985 exceeded the 71 per cent level of 1980.             Between the years 1980 and 1985 the proportion of consumers of fruit wine and spirits within the population remained stable, and that of other beverages increased. In particular, the number of those who drank moonshine spirits doubled. With the exception of fruit wine drunk in 1985 by nearly one-third of men as well as women 16 years of age and over, other beverages were consumed by far more men than women. This was particularly the case as regards beer which was drunk by 70 per cent of men and only 20 per cent of women, and moonshine spirits which were drunk by 30 per cent of men and 11 per cent of women. Spirits, which in Poland means mostly vodka, were consumed by 85 per cent of men and 62 per cent of women, and wine by 46 and 39 per cent respectively.                         FREQUENCY AND AMOUNT             The-last-occasion approach adopted in the surveys consists not only in asking the respondents of how much and of how long ago they had drunk for the last time each of, the alcoholic beverages enumerated in the questionnaire, but also in assuming that the occasions reported were typical for the ways the respondents drank.             Frequency of drinking depends heavily, among other things, on the kind of' beverage. In the Polish culture, wine is the less frequently drunk alcoholic beverage. Two-thirds of its consumers drink it at most once a month, and half of all its consumers - at most once every three months. Home-made fruit wine is being drunk even less often. Only one in five or six wine consumers drink it once a week or more often.             The consumers of spirits seem to be divided into two distinct groups, one formed by occasional drinkers (at most once a month) and the other by frequent drinkers (several times a month or even several times a week). The first group consists of one-third, and the other one of more than half of all spirits drinkers. One in five of them drinks spirits several times a week.             Most evenly distrributed on the frequency scale of drinking were the consumers of beer. Nearly as many drank it every day, every week, every month or every three months.             Similar picture emerges in respect of the amount drunk on one occasion. Regardless of the beverage, most consumers drink small quantities only. But there are also heavy drinkers who consume on one occasion at least a quarter of a litre of spirits, one litre of wine or more than one litre of beer. Those drinkers constituted one in five of spirits' consumers, even one in two of moonshine spirits consumers, and one in five of wine or beer consumers, less heavy drinkers are only among home-made fruit wine drinkers (one in ten).             The information concerning the frequency of drinking and the amount of alcohol consumed makes it possible to separate four patterns of drinking: heavy and frequent, heavy and infrequent,  moderate and frequent, moderate and infrequent. Among consumers of different beverages, the group of persons drinking moderately and infrequently was the most numerous  particularly as regards the consumers of wine, and smaller degree the consumers of spirits and moonshine spirits, and to the smallest degree-the consumers of beer. Also the group of persons drinking heavily and infrequently were relatively numerous, apart from consumers of beer, among whom the second most numerous group was that of persons drinking moderately and frequently. Every fourth or fifth consumer of beer, every seventh consumer of home-made frit wine drank much and frequently. As regards persons, who drank any two of the above-mentioned beverages, a convergence  of their drinking parents could be noticed which consisted in the following regularity: if one of the beverages was consumed according to one of the patterns, the other beverage was generally also consumed according to the same pattern.             The above results were very similar in both surveys. However, in the 1985survey, a slight shift towards greater concentration of consumption could be noticed.             One of the effects of drinking alcohol, and for some consumers probably also one of the aims of drinking, is to get drunk. Using the information from the 1985 survey on such factors as the kind and amount of beverages consumed, the duration of the drinking occasion, and the sex and weight of the respondent, the blood alcohol concentration was estimated for every drinking occasion reported. In about one quarter of drinking occasion this estimate could not be done due to the lack of some of the necessary data, most often that of the weight of the respondents.             Only one in every five events of drinking spirits and one in three events of drinking wine have not caused a rise in blood alcohol concentration above the physiological level of 0,2 per mille. Getting drunk, i. e. overstepping the blood alcohol concentration of 1.5 per mille, occurred in 13 per cent of incidents of drinking spirits, 7 per cent of drinking wine, and 5 per cent of drinking home-made fruit wine. If related to the total number of drinking occasion of the above beverages this  means that in Poland every day about 600 thousand persons would get drunk.             Persons getting drunk were significantly more numerous among men than women, and as far as men are concerned among young (up to 40 years of age), less educated, blue-collar workers describing themselves as non-believers or non-worshiping believers. Among women only those who felt to be better off than average would drink significantly more often than others.                         DRINKING OCCASION             One of the characteristic features of drinking alcohol in Poland is using the existing occasions or inventing them. Alcohol happens to be drunk in order to celebrate such events as family festivities (like name-days or birthdays), religious ceremonies (like baptism, confirmation or - in particular - wedding), national holidays, government ceremonies (like opening a factory, a museum'' new railway station or a bridge), other happy events (tike winning a match by a favourite soccer team, passing important examinati.ons by the son or daughter, their entrance to the high school or the university). Drinking occasion may be called for while looking for some comfort caused by losing a march by a favourite soccer team a set-back at work, or misfortune in personal matters. Alcohol is served and drunk in order to show hospitality, to emphasize the importance of a guest or an unusual, lofty, or particular character of the meeting, etc. This list could be easily extended, but it does not seen necessary as its aim is only to show that drinking alcoholic beverages - probably with the exception of beer only – is perceived as an event calling for special justification. This justification should not be equated with causes of drinking, deeply rooted and often not understood and realized clearly by the person in question. Therefore, the justification for drinking provides an insight not so much into the reasons of drinking as into its cultural context.             Using the information on the kind and amount of alcohol drunk, on the place of drinking, character of the occasion, and, in the 1985 survey, also on the duration of the drinking incidence, three main types of spirits and wine consumption occasions were distinguished: a family celebration, a friendly social meeting, and a drinking-for-purpose event.             The family celebration comprised nearly half of all drinking occasions described in the replies of the respondents. These occasions lasted longer than others, namely about 4 to 5 hours, with many persons taking part, the amount of alcohol drunk was smaller by half than the average amount and in more than 90 per cent of cases they took place in private quarters.             The friends-meeting social type of drinking occasions were less numerous, they comprised about one-third of the total number of the last occasions reported. Half of them occurred in friends appartments, one-fourth on the respondents flats, and one in seven in a bar or restaurant. The meeting lasted about 2-3 hours, and the amount of spirits or wine drunk was somewhat larger than the average. Most often 4 to 5 persons took part in these encounters.             One in five of the last occasions described by the respondents was of the drinking-for-purpose type. The most often stated justification for such a drinking occasion was that ,,it just happened this way" or ,,without any special reason, and the second in the row was that the drinking tock place in order to handle some business which made it necessary to have a drink’’.  These occasions lasted usually l-2 hours and the company consisted of about 3-4 persons. Most often the meeting took place in a bar or a restaurant at work; relatively rarely in private appartments, and  occasionally in a park or another commonly frequented place. Persons drinking on these type of occasions consumed twice as much alcohol as the average. The types and characteristics of drinking occasions did not change between 1980 and 1985; only few exceptions were noted, such as those with more alcohol drunk in private apartments and less in bars and restaurants. The same types of drinking occasions were fund in respect of consumption of spirits and wine, only home-made fruit wine did not seem to be drunk ,,for purpose’’             DRINKING AT WORK             One of the special features of drinking practices in Poland is the consumption of alcohol at work. It takes place against the provisions of the labour law and in some circumstances also against criminal law. Every few years the authorities launch a campaign against drinking at work only to learn that it brings about temporary results. In order to understand the reasons for limited effects of such endeavours a closer look at a socialist enterprise is necessary' fn a state-controlled economy, a socialist enterprise is not. only a place where employees provide work in order to produce some  commodities or services. One of the Polish leading sociologists described such an enterprise as a combination of an industrial plant, an office, and  charity. Its  peculiar social life stems from all the above factors, and it is only against this background that an appraisal of the data on drinking at work can be made.             The 1980 survey revealed that two of every three respondents employed in the state-owned enterprises and offices had in the course of the last year prior to the interview drunk alcohol while at work. The results of the 1985 survey were markedly different since the affirmative answers to the question of drinking at work was given by one in every two such respondents. On the assumption of the last occasion approach an attempt was made at amount of drinking events at work. The numbers of such events in1980 and 1985 were 14.6 and 7.3 per one employee respectively. It seems to be a marked decrease, but is has to be seen whether it will be a lasting one.             Drinking at work seems to be very common also in another respect. When looping at the characteristics of the consumer of alcohol at work they correspond closely to the characteristics of all drinking persons.             The justification for drinking at work is very similar to that described above, only the family celebration and friends-meeting social types seen to merge into one. In 1980 nearly half, and in 1985 one-third  the persons who drank at work did it while celebrating name-days or birthdays. One in five of those who drank at work did it ,,with no special reason" or because alcohol was offered by somebody, which corresponds to the drinking-for-purpose type.                         ALCOHOL DEPENDENCE             Alcohol dependence is a very complex concept and it is debatable whether tackling it in a survey research can produce conclusive results. In the 1985 survey it was approached by means of one of the questionnaires used by medical practitioners. After reviewing several of such questionnaires, like MAST, SMAST, CAGE, MALT, Reich, the CAGE questionnaire was selected as the most suitable, among other things, because of its brevity. A common feature of all the above instruments is that they are in fact screening tests, and their aim is to spot out in a pool of patients those who might have an alcohol problem. These patients are referred afterwards to a qualified specialist for a proper examination and diagnosis.             The use of such a questionnaire in a survey conducted in a general population is an extention of its application far beyond the limits of its original design, because in such a situation it is expected to provide a final ,,diagnosis" instead of pointing to persons suspected of being addicted to alcohol. In the circumstances both the sensitivity and specificity of the questionnaire become of utmost importance.             The low specificity of the CAGE questionnaire makes it impossible to estimate- within the known limits of errors - the size of the group of alcohol dependent persons in the general population because a number of persons likely to be classified on its basis as being alcohol dependent in fact are not dependent. The size of the latter (i. e. those incorrectly classified as alcohol dependent) is partly a function of the size of the group of the alcohol dependent in the general population.             The percentage of respondents who in the 1985 survey said ,,yes" to al1 the four questions of the CAGE questionnaire was 4.4, to three questions - 11.8, to two questions - I2.1, and to one question - 15.1. The results of the previous applications of the CAGE test show that four ,,yes" answers to the questionnaire questions were given only by alcohol dependent persons, and no such answers were given by persons not dependent. Hence it can be assumed that in the cases of all four ,,yes" answers one deals with alcohol dependent persons, without fear of making a serious error. As to the persons who gave three ,,yes" answers) one can assume among them a higher cumulation of alcohol dependent persons, and as regards those who said ,ryes" to two questions it can be hypothesised that there are few such persons among them.             On the basis of the results obtained, the probable number of persons in 1985 in Poland in the age group of 16 years and over, who were alcohol dependent, has been estimated as somewhat higher than number of persons who said  ,,yes’’ to all the four questions in the CAGE questionnaire, i. e. approximately 1,500 000, the error limits of this estimate, unfortunately, cannot be specified. The persons who gave a higher number of ,,yes’’ answers to the test questions drank largel quantities of alcohol. More answers of this kond were given by men, middle-aged persons and elderly (but not old), living in villages, not well-off, non-worshipping believers and non-believers.                         THE ABSTAINERS AND TEETOTALLERS             Abstainers are referred to here as those who do not drink a particular alcoholic beverage, and teetotalers as those who according to themselves  do not drink alcohol at all (1980 survey) or who did not consume alcohol during the last twelve months prior to the interview.             Only 25 per cent of the respondents abstained from drinking spirits, about 25 per cent-from wine, 58 per cent (in 1980)and 50 per cent (in 1985)-from beer, 70 per cent (in 1980)  and 64 per cent (in1985)-from home-made fruit wine, and 89 per cent (in 1980) and 79 per cent (in 1985)-from moonshine spirits.             The were 14.8 per cent teetotalers in 1980 and 16.1 per cent in 1985, however, the difference in those percentages is statistically insignificant. In general population the fraction of teetotalers is probably a few points higher because in both the 1980 and 1985 samples the persons aged 16-19 and 60 and more, namely those among whom the non-drinkers are most numerous, were underrepresented.             Less than half of the teetotalers never drank alcohol and the share of those who stopped drinking increased between the years 1980 and 1985. This result would have looked promising were it not for the reasons for not drinking given by the respondents. Most often old age, poor health, lack of money, and similar justification were offered, and only one in seven non-drinking alcohol respondent mentioned that drinking alcohol would interfere with his studies or work, or against his beliefs or cherished values.             Also the social characteristics of teetotalers give reason for worry: among these overrepresented are very young and elderly, women, poorly educated, blue-collar workers, poor-in general those who belong to the lower social strata of the population.             To be a teetotaler in Poland is unenviable.
EN
Background. Resilience and self-esteem are psychological qualities that help to deal with conflicting situations of everyday life. The martial arts provide the integral development of the individual contemplating physical and psychic aspects. Aim. To investigate resilience and self-esteem levels of Krav Maga practitioners. Methods. The sample comprised 399 practitioners (283 men and 112 women) associated with the South American Federation of Krav Maga. Resilience and self-esteem were assessed using the Connor-Davidson Resilience Scale (CD-RISC) and the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSES), respectively. Sociodemographic data were collected using a questionnaire. Results. Most of the sample was composed of post-graduates (38.8%) and the orange belt (21.4%). Male students showed higher values of age, time of practice, and self-esteem (p <0.05) when compared to female students. The Spearman correlation test showed a positive and significant association between self-esteem and resilience (rho = 0.552; p < 0.001). Schooling was related to self-esteem (rho = 0.313; p < 0.001) and resilience (rho = 0.142; p = 0.004). The longer practice time was associated with higher levels of resilience (rho = 0.173; p = 0.001) and self-esteem (rho = 0.207; p < 0.001). Conclusions. The regular practice of Krav Maga is associated with higher levels of self-esteem and resilience.
PL
Tło. Odporność psychiczna i poczucie własnej wartości to cechy psychologiczne, które pomagają radzić sobie z konfliktowymi sytuacjami codziennego życia. Sztuki walki zapewniają integralny rozwój jednostki, uwzględniając aspekty fizyczne i psychiczne. Cel. Celem badania było zbadanie poziomu odporności psychicznej i poczucia własnej wartości u praktykujących sztukę walki Krav Maga. Metody. Badanie obejmowało 399 zawodników (283 mężczyzn i 112 kobiet) zrzeszonych w Południowoamerykańskiej Federacji Krav Maga. Odporność psychiczna i poczucie własnej wartości zostały ocenione za pomocą skali odporności psychicznej Connora-Davidsona (CD-RISC) i skali poczucia własnej wartości Rosenberga (RSES). Dane socjodemograficzne zostały zebrane za pomocą kwestionariusza. Wyniki. Większość badanej grupy to osoby posiadające stopień magistra (38,8%) i pomarańczowy pas (21,4%). Mężczyźni wykazali wyższe wartości wieku, czasu praktyki i poczucia własnej wartości (p <0,05) w porównaniu do kobiet. Test korelacji Spearmana wykazał pozytywny i istotny związek między poczuciem własnej wartości a odpornością psychiczną (rho = 0,552; p <0,001). Wykształcenie było związane z poczuciem własnej wartości (rho = 0,313; p <0,001) i odpornością psychiczną (rho = 0,142; p = 0,004). Dłuższy czas praktyki był związany z wyższymi poziomami odporności psychicznej (rho = 0,173; p = 0,001) i poczucia własnej wartości (rho = 0,207; p <0,001). Wnioski. Regularna praktyka Krav Maga wiąże się z wyższym poziomem poczucia własnej wartości i odporności psychicznej.
PL
Ochrona dziedzictwa kulturowego ma nie tylko konsekwencje społeczne, ale także polityczne i ekonomiczne. Podczas gdy zawartość tożsamości narodowej i osobistej jest ściśle powiązana z dziedzictwem kulturowym, dziedzictwo to, jeśli chodzi o kulturę materialną, wymaga wsparcia politycznego często poza zasięgiem zainteresowanego kraju. Międzynarodowe wsparcie udzielane jest przez organizacje światowe takie jak UNESCO – z jego listą światowego dziedzictwa, która obejmuje skarby kultury światowej oraz pomniki przyrody. Politycznie dziedzictwo kulturowe może być pojmowane jako spójna siła, albo i podział, gdy wykorzystywane jest do celów skierowanych na hegemonię polityczną. Z ekonomicznego punktu widzenia istota zachowania dziedzictwa kulturowego może być intratnym źródłem dochodów w wyniku globalnej promocji turystyki kulturowej. Dzięki niniejszym badaniom możemy dojść do przekonania, że dane państwo powinno ułatwiać wzmocnienie pozycji społeczności przez zachowanie i rozwój dziedzictwa kulturowego, a więc naturalnego otoczenia owej społeczności, ponieważ bez ochrony środowiska kulturowego i przez nadużywanie oferowanych przez nie możliwości nie możemy osiągnąć właściwego – tj. realnego, zrównoważonego – rozwoju społecznego i gospodarczego kraju.
EN
The protection of cultural heritage does not only have social but political and economic consequences as well. While the contents of a national and personal identity are closely tied to inherited cultural heritage, this heritage, as far as material culture is concerned, requires political support often beyond the means of the countries concerned. International support is rendered by organizations such as UNESCO with its World Heritage List, which includes World Cultural treasures as well as Natural Monuments. Politically, cultural heritage can be either a cohesive force or a divisive one when exploited for political purposes directed towards political hegemony. Economically, the cost of preserving cultural heritage can be a lucrative source of income as a result of the global promotion of cultural tourism. By this research, we can come to the idea that the State should facilitate the community empowerment through preservation and development of the cultural heritage – its organic environment, because without protection of the cultural environment and misusing the opportunities offered by it we cannot achieve the proper – i.e., feasible, sustainable – social and economic development of a country.
EN
This article explores the link between Human Resource Development (HRD) and employee engagement (EE), which according to a growing body of evidence is necessary for companies to thrive (MacLeod and Clarke, 2009). The aim of HRD is to create a workplace environment that allows the use of an employee’s full potential as well as increases performance. However, research suggests that EE mediates the effect of HRD on performance, as it is HRD processes that drive employee engagement. This leads to beneficial behavior on the part of employees. To confirm the mediating effect of EE, the authors have selected sample results from the Barometr Zaangażowania® project (Engagement Barometer) that came from three manufacturing companies located in Poland (a total of 905 participants).
PL
W artykule przeanalizowano relację pomiędzy rozwojem zasobów ludzkich (Human Resource Development – HRD) i zaangażowaniem pracowników, którego kluczową rolę w zapewnianiu sukcesu firmom potwierdza coraz więcej wyników badań (MacLeod, Clarke, 2009). Celem HRD jest stworzenie środowiska pracy, które pozwoli pracownikom na wykorzystanie ich pełnego potencjału oraz umożliwi osiąganie lepszych rezultatów (performance). Wyniki badań pokazują jednak, że zaangażowanie pracowników jest mediatorem wpływu HRD na wyniki i efektywność zachowań w pracy. Działania rozwijające potencjał pracowników jednocześnie budują zaangażowanie, które prowadzi do korzystnych zachowań pracowników. Aby potwierdzić tę rolę zaangażowania pracowników, autorzy przeanalizowali wyniki badań z projektu Barometr Zaangażowania®, pochodzące z trzech firm produkcyjnych działających w Polsce (łącznie 905 uczestników).
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