This article examines the consequences for Sweden's state identity by the decision of Finland and Sweden to apply for membership in NATO. Taking its starting point in Sweden's shattering loss of its easternmost provinces in the 1809 Treaty of Fredrikshamn, it explores Sweden's initial formulations of a policy of neutrality and its evolution until the end of the Cold War. The article then directs attention to how Social Democratic leaders managed to institutionalise a Swedish “active foreign policy”, exerting a lasting, formative influence on Sweden's state identity. It also addresses the rapprochement of Finland and Sweden after the end of the Cold War and the consequences of the bilateral dynamics that characterised their EU-membership applications. The article critically discusses how Sweden reformulated its concept of neutrality into a nebulous concept of nonalignment and adopted a security policy rooted in a cooperative security approach. Based on key findings drawn from this historical account, this article addresses the processes that lead to Finland and Sweden unexpectedly deciding on jointly applying for NATO membership. It concludes with a forward-looking assessment of how a Swedish NATO membership will ultimately stabilise Sweden's adaptable state identity and its implications for the Nordic countries' regional military strategy.
This article examines the influence of the evolving geopolitical and geo-economic environment in the High North on the transformation of Sweden’s foreign and security policy – from pursuing a feminist foreign policy to adopting a state-centric approach, focused on traditional state interests. First, it conceptualises national strategies, and introduces the case of Sweden. It then presents a Structural Realism framework concerning defensive alliances, and the concept of deterrence. Next, the article maps Sweden’s foreign and security policy, and the role of the High North from 2011 to 2018. In this section, it explores the underlying motives behind, and the consequences of, Sweden’s active pursuit of a feminist foreign policy. Subsequently, the article examines the role of the High North in refocusing Sweden’s foreign and security policy on state interests during the period 2019 to 2025. It discusses the influence of Sweden’s leadership in regional fora such as NORDEFCO, the Northern Group, and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe – a development that led successive Swedish governments to gradually shift from promoting normative interests at the individual level, to prioritising hard security interests at the state level. The article concludes by explaining why the High North has become imperative to advancing Sweden’s economic, and military, security interests.
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