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EN
How criminological are statistics of justice? How useful are courts efficiency data? How the public and public administration uses abuses this data? Paper is focused on the problems of collecting, processing and presenting statistical data on justice system for the purposes of the system itself, as well as for criminology. It considers five issues: public criminology and public statistics, so called standard criminological statistics, such as recorded crime, suspect, convicted, penalties, penal measures, prisoners etc., Polish Ministry of Justice statistics (if they are criminological or not or which of them could be interesting for criminologists) and results of current research of Economic Analysis of Justice Unit in Polish Institute of Justice. It was interesting how official statistics concerning courts efficiency are used and maybe abused in public debates, in criminology, criminal policy, and public media.
PL
How criminological are statistics of justice? How useful are courts efficiency data? How the public and public administration uses abuses this data? Paper is focused on the problems of collecting, processing and presenting statistical data on justice system for the purposes of the system itself, as well as for criminology. It considers five issues: public criminology and public statistics, so called standard criminological statistics, such as recorded crime, suspect, convict- ed, penalties, penal measures, prisoners etc., Polish Ministry of Justice statistics (if they are criminological or not or which of them could be interesting for criminologists) and results of current research of Economic Analysis of Justice Unit in Polish Institute of Justice. It was inter- esting how official statistics concerning courts efficiency are used and maybe abused in public debates, in criminology, criminal policy, and public media.   Czy statystyki wymiaru sprawiedliwości to statystyki kryminologiczne? Na ile przydatne mogą być dane statystyczne dotyczące efektywności sądów? W jaki sposób mogą być one wykorzystane przez administrację publiczną, opinię publiczną i/lub kryminologię publiczną? Artykuł koncentruje się na problemie gromadzenia, przetwarzania i prezentacji danych statystycznych dotyczących wymiaru sprawiedliwości dla celów samego systemu, a także dla kryminologii Omawia on pokrótce pięć kwestii: nurt kryminologii publicznej i tak zwane standardowe statystyki kryminologiczne, dotyczące m.in. zarejestrowanych przestępstw, podejrzanych, skazanych, kar, więźniów, itp., statystyki Ministerstwa Sprawiedliwości oraz wybrane wyniki najnowszych badań Sekcji Analiz Ekonomicznych Wymiaru Sprawiedliwości Instytutu Wymiaru Sprawiedliwości. Szczególnym przedmiotem zainteresowania pozostają możliwości i sposoby wykorzystania statystyk sądowych w kryminologii i polityce kryminalnej oraz debacie publicznej i mediach.
EN
How criminological are statistics of justice? How useful are courts efficiency data? How the public and public administration uses abuses this data? Paper is focused on the problems of collecting, processing and presenting statistical data on justice system for the purposes of the system itself, as well as for criminology. It considers five issues: public criminology and public statistics, so called standard criminological statistics, such as recorded crime, suspect, convict- ed, penalties, penal measures, prisoners etc., Polish Ministry of Justice statistics (if they are criminological or not or which of them could be interesting for criminologists) and results of current research of Economic Analysis of Justice Unit in Polish Institute of Justice. It was inter- esting how official statistics concerning courts efficiency are used and maybe abused in public debates, in criminology, criminal policy, and public media.
PL
Badania wiktymizacyjne stanowią w kryminologii jedno z głównych źródeł rzetelnych danych ilościowych o rozmiarach wiktymizacji, poziomie lęku przed przestępczością i społecznych ocenach organów ścigania i wymiaru sprawiedliwości. Badania te realizowane mogą być przy wykorzystaniu różnych technik badawczych, które z kolei mogą być obarczone różnego rodzaju błędami.W artykule omówiono podstawowe rodzaje technik prowadzenia badań wiktymizacyjnych oraz rodzaje błędów związanych z realizacją badań sondażowych. Opisano szczególne problemy, jakie może nieść za sobą wykorzystanie dwóch, alternatywnych do wywiadu bezpośredniego (PAPI lub CAPI), sposobów prowadzenia badań wiktymizacyjnych, czyli sondaży telefonicznych (CATI) i kwestionariuszy internetowych (CAWI).
EN
Criminological analyses of fear of crime conducted to date have lead to formulating many various ways of defining this phenomenon and to concepts explaining its intensity and diversity. This article assumes that the most effective definition (by Sandra Walklate) is that fear of crime is partly rational and partly irrational state of anxiety or fear caused by belief that the individual is at risk of becoming a crime victim. Basic hypotheses regarding factors influencing level of fear concern such aspects as: victimization experiences and objective crime risk level; socio-demographic characteristics of individuals and psychological features which define their sensitivity to dangers and risks, features of environment where an individual lives, and in particular manifestations of social disorganization, size of local population, and presence of social ties, mutual trust, common goals and values among local residents; actions of persecution organs and the justice system and their social perception; macro-social factors (such as quality of social security) as well as media reports and politicians’ actions. Multi-dimensional models of fear of crime constructed by researchers integrate these hypotheses into complex system which offer much more explaining power and possibility of presentation of relations between particular variables in question. The conducted research presented in the article aimed to present the level of crime fear perceived in Poland and other European countries as well as to find social, demographic, and macro-social factors conditioning that fear. The research was based on secondary data analysis from several editions of International Victimisation Studies, Polish Crime Study, and last issue of European Social Survey. Analysis of the crime level in Poland revealed there has been a definite, almost twofold, decrease of percentage of persons declaring such fear during the past 20 years. In the beginning of 21st century, Poles perceived above-European average fear of crime. In 2010 it was lower than in most European countries. As a result of conducted two-dimensional analyses, it was established that crucial factors influencing perceived lack of security contributed to the following hypotheses: victimization, sensitivity to risks, disorganization and urbanization and those focusing on the action of prosecution and macro-social characteristics of inhabited locations. Used techniques of classification tree allowed for initial examination of joint influence of particular independent and dependent variables as well as for separation of many interesting groups of respondents regarding frequency of occurrence of fear of crime. Above-average fear of crime was characteristic of women from middle-sized and big cities who had been victims of crime against property and of men who had been victims of crime against property or as-sault and lived in areas where unemployment was below average.
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EN
Fear of crime has been researched since late 1960s and is commonly recognized one of the most frequent issue investigated in contemporary criminology. Definition of the fear of crime, its operability by means of particular investigation methods and techniques, and its macro-, meso-, and micro-social conditioning factors are widely discussed in the scientific literature on the subject. This article describes methodological aspects of research on this issue and particular questionnaire questions formulated in such research. The most frequent method used in research on fear of crime is to use particular questionnaire questions asked to respondents on quantitative surveys. There are attempts to use other research methods and techniques such as in-depth and focus interviews or content analysis. Among qualitative research, there are two predominant methods of fear measurement and, what follows, its definition and analysis. The first assumes a single question (e.g. how safe one feels on a lonely evening walk) with closed categories of responses. Choosing a category by the respondent is deemed to be an indicator of fear. The second method assumes that fear of crime is a continuous quantitative variable created by a scale which sums up responses to a series of questions on particular aspects of fear (e.g. fear of various types of crimes). The results obtained by the first method are presented as a percentage of respondents afraid of becoming a victim of crime which percentage is to reflect fear of crime level in a society. A relationship with other variables within to-dimensional analyses (e.g. using cross-tables) and multidimensional (e.g. with the use of logistic regression) are also investigated. Presenting one-dimensional results from the second method of measurement is much less understandable since it relies on an abstract arithmetic mean which is impossible to interpret. At the same time, however, they enable to define the level of fear (and not only the sole fact of its occurrence or lack of occurrence) and to use more precise techniques of two- and multi-dimensional analysis such as comparison of means and linear regression. It is worth to not that precise determination of the number, form and way of asking such questions is subject to constant debate in the literature which has not been decided so far.
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PL
How can the courts ensure someone pays maintenance? What is a sufficient and just reaction to avoiding these obligations? Non-payment of maintenance is an offence in most, but not all, European countries. Due to an amendment in the Polish Penal Code of 23 March 2017, the scope of the criminalisation of this offence in Poland expanded significantly. This paper presents a statistical analysis on this specific type of crime 30 years before and 30 years after the socio-political transformation in Poland and discusses the methods and purpose of criminal justice responses to this issue.   Jak skłonić osobę zobowiązaną do płacenia alimentów, aby wypełniała ten obowiązek? Jaka jest wystarczająca i sprawiedliwa reakcja na unikanie tych zobowiązań? Niepłacenie alimentów jest przestępstwem w większości, ale nie we wszystkich krajach europejskich. W związku z nowelizacją polskiego Kodeksu karnego z 23 marca 2017 r. zakres kryminalizacji tego przestępstwa w Polsce znacznie się rozszerzył. W artykule przedstawiono wyniki analiz poświęconych przestępstwu niealimentacji z okresu 30 lat przed i 30 lat po transformacji ustrojowej w Polsce oraz poddano dyskusji sposoby reakcji wymiaru sprawiedliwości na to zjawisko.  
EN
How can the courts ensure someone pays maintenance? What is a sufficient and just reaction to avoiding these obligations? Non-payment of maintenance is an offence in most, but not all, European countries. Due to an amendment in the Polish Penal Code of 23 March 2017, the scope of the criminalisation of this offence in Poland expanded significantly. This paper presents a statistical analysis on this specific type of crime 30 years before and 30 years after the socio-political transformation in Poland and discusses the methods and purpose of criminal justice responses to this issue.  
EN
Study provide statistical description of the crime of driving motor vehicles under the influence of drugs or alcohol, number of road accidents and driver's sobriety control. The number of such crimes significantly decreased from 2005 to 2016, as well as the overall number of crimes in Poland. Obviously, the smaller number of crimes detected leads to analogous decreases in the number of people judged and sentenced for this crime. But what's interesting is change in structure of sentenced penalties – the share of the penalty of imprisonment decreased significantly, and the share of fines and community service increased. The number of penal measures imposed per one convict, mainly including cash benefits, increased significantly. The share of road accidents caused by intoxicated drivers in the total number of accidents is relatively low (about 6%) and systematically decreased in the analyzed period. This fact, together with the systematically decreasing number of analyzed crimes and increasing number of police checks of drivers' sobriety at the same time, indicates a favorable change in social attitudes towards driving under the influence of alcohol.
PL
W niniejszym opracowaniu podjęto próbę szczegółowego, statystycznego opisu przestępczości prowadzenia pojazdów mechanicznych w stanie nietrzeźwości lub pod wpływem środka odurzającego przy wykorzystaniu dostępnych danych o liczbie przestępstw i skazań z art. 178a §1 k.k. oraz liczbie wypadków drogowych i kontroli trzeźwości kierujących. Liczba przestępstw z rozpatrywanego artykułu istotnie spadła od roku 2005 do 2016, podobnie zresztą jak ogólna liczba przestępstw w Polsce. Co oczywiste, mniejsza liczba wykrywanych rokrocznie przestępstw z analizowanego artykułu prowadzi do analogicznych spadków liczby osób osądzanych i skazywanych za to przestępstwo. Ale co ciekawe rośnie liczba warunkowych umorzeń postępowań sądowych z tego artykułu. Zmienia się także struktura orzekanych kar – istotnie spadł udział kary pozbawienia wolności z warunkowych zawieszeniem jej wykonania, a wzrósł udział grzywien i ograniczenia wolności. Wyniki szczegółowych analiz wymiarów poszczególnych orzekanych kar sugerują nieznaczne złagodzenie polityki karania za to przestępstwo. Wzrosła jednak istotnie liczba orzekanych środków karnych przypadających na jednego skazanego, w tym głównie świadczenia pieniężnego. Udział wypadków drogowych spowodowanych przez nietrzeźwych kierujących w ogólnej liczbie wypadków jest stosunkowo niski (ok. 6%) i systematycznie spadał w analizowanym okresie. Fakt ten, łącznie z systematycznie spadającą liczbą przestępstw prowadzenia pojazdu mechanicznego pod wpływem alkoholu lub środka odurzającego (przy ponad dwudziestoczterokrotnym wzroście liczby przeprowadzanych przez policję kontroli trzeźwości kierowców w tym samym czasie), wskazuje na korzystną i bardzo istotną zmianę społeczną w zakresie jazdy samochodem pod wpływem alkoholu. Study provide statistical description of the crime of driving motor vehicles under the influence of drugs or alcohol, number of road accidents and driver's sobriety control. The number of such crimes significantly decreased from 2005 to 2016, as well as the overall number of crimes in Poland. Obviously, the smaller number of crimes detected leads to analogous decreases in the number of people judged and sentenced for this crime. But what's interesting is change in structure of sentenced penalties – the share of the penalty of imprisonment decreased significantly, and the share of fines and community service increased. The number of penal measures imposed per one convict, mainly including cash benefits, increased significantly. The share of road accidents caused by intoxicated drivers in the total number of accidents is relatively low (about 6%) and systematically decreased in the analyzed period. This fact, together with the systematically decreasing number of analyzed crimes and increasing number of police nchecks of drivers' sobriety at the same time, indicates a favorable change in social attitudes towards driving under the influence of alcohol.
PL
Observational learning is one of the mechanisms of developmental change, and the skill of imitation is an important milestone in every child’s development. In order to explain imitation, cognitive psychologists turn to a covert, complex learning process, whereas behavior analysts point to the skill of generalized imitation, which is shaped during ontology, and to environmental contingencies which determine the occurrence of imitation. In case of therapy for children with developmental disabilities, if one intends to produce new teaching methods based on imitation or to optimize the existing ones, it is important to understand the mechanism underlying this way of learning. The present article will investigate imitation from the perspective of behavior analysis and the social learning theory. Not only does the former approach provide stronger empirical basis, but it also enables the design of more effective teaching methods based on imitation. 
PL
Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie propozycji transdiagnostycznego podejścia do zaburzeń odżywiania (anoreksji psychicznej, bulimii psychicznej oraz zaburzeń odżywiania nie określonych inaczej) na przykładzie dwóch względnie nowych rodzajów terapii: poznawczo-behawioralnej, prowadzonej w oparciu o model Fairburna, oraz terapii akceptacji i zaangażowania (Acceptance and Commitment Therapy, ACT). W odniesieniu do obu terapii przedstawiono ich podstawy teoretyczne, przyjmowane modele psychopatologii, proponowane mechanizmy zmiany, a także cele i wybrane techniki pracy terapeutycznej. Zasugerowano kierunki rozwoju dalszych badań porównujących skuteczność obydwu podejść, czynniki moderujące ich efektywność oraz możliwości integracji obu modeli.
EN
The present article aims to present a transdiagnostic approach to eating disorders (anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa, and eating disorders not otherwise specified) using the example of two relatively new types of therapy: Cognitive Behavior Therapy (CBT), based on Fairburn's model, and Acceptance and Commitment Therapy (ACT). Theoretical frameworks, psychopathology, proposed change mechanisms, as well as objectives and selected therapeutic techniques are discussed for both approaches. Directions for further research comparing the efficacy of the two approaches, the factors that moderate their outcomes, and the possibilities of integrating the two models are also suggested.
EN
The phenomenon of stalking had not been studied extensively and the real scale, its forms, and consequences had remained unknown. For this reason, in December 2009, the Minister of Justice requested the Institute of Justice to conduct a research concerning stalking. It was performed by TNS OBOP in December last year on a representative, random sample of households. Over 10 thousand respondents were questioned in computer assisted telephone interviews. This is ten times more than in typical public opinion polls which undoubtedly increases credibility of the results. Every tenth respondent (9,9%) appeared to have experience stalking. This is more than expected. It these results were to be extrapolated on the whole Polish population over 18 (and there are significant ground for such extrapolation as the sample was representative), it could be estimated that as much as 3 million of adult Poles have experienced stalking. In almost half of the cases, stalking happened repeatedly and 80% of victims experienced stalking within past five years. On the average, stalking lasted for less than a year, most often from a week to three months, but as much as 15% of victims were stalked for at least three years. Every fifth person declared they are still stalked at the moment. The most common methods of stalking were: spreading slander, lies and gossip (70% of responses), getting in touch with the aid of third parties (55%), threats or blackmail and “telephone persecution” (almost half of responses). Every third victim indicated also accosting or threatening family members, physical stalking (persistent following) and unwanted correspondence. It needs to be emphasised that stalking most often appeared in more than one form at a time (e.g. following – phone calls - getting in touch with the aid of third parties). As much as three quarters of victims regarded staling as serious, one third as very serious. These extremely high percentages prove that stalking is a considerable problem – almost a social one. This is confirmed by its effects declared by respondents. Almost 70% of victims experienced negative effects of stalking. More than a half reported psychological problems (depressed mood or depression, anxiety) every fourth physical ones (pains, aches, nausea, eating disorders). Because of these, 45% of the victims sought medical consultation which proves how serious the problems were. One third of the harmed declared financial or general consequences (cost of legal fees, need to change their lifestyle, change of telephone number, sometimes even change of residence). Although as expected most perpetrators were persons known by the victims (a current or ex-partner in every fourth case), a significant number of strangers needs to be reported (one quarter). Almost 40% of stalking victims asked for help, out of which only a half to prosecution organs – this is as little as 20%.
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